Friday, November 26, 2010


Bill Kiwanuka originated and signed the petition: FOR A BETTER UGANDA, DON'T VOTE MUSEVENI PRESIDENT
You can view this petition at:
Message from Bill Kiwanuka:
I signed the petition "FOR A BETTER UGANDA, DON'T VOTE MUSEVENI PRESIDENT". I would have wished that you to sign this petition to help us reach our goal of 1,000 signatures; unfortunately. It looks like it has been disabled such that it is not possible to effect the signing. These are some of the problems we are confronted with, may be due to the politics we have in place.
I care deeply about this cause for among other things the reasons stated therein, and I hoped you would support the efforts. The link to the site is:

William Kituuka Kiwanuka

From Dr. Vincent Magombe - Ugandan Writer and Journalist / Director, Africa Inform International.
(London, UK. 15/09/09)
Your Excellency President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,
In the wake of the violent and tragic clashes, which took place in various parts of Buganda Kingdom, in the week beginning 07 September 2009, between the Ugandan state security services and supporters of the Kabaka of Buganda, His Royal Highness Ronald Muwenda Mutebi, you, Mr President, and your security operatives have taken a number of repressive measures aimed at silencing sections of the Ugandan populace and bringing about an enforced stability of sorts.
These measures include, among others:
1. The arrest of hundreds of Buganda Kingdom supporters, some of whom had rioted in protest against your Excellency's decision to forcefully intervene and stop the visit by His Royal Highness Kabaka Ronald Mutebi to Kayunga - a locality within his Kingdom.
2. The arrest of a number of Ugandan media practitioners, most prominent of whom is Mr. Kalundi Serumaga, the widely respected current affairs commentator / analyst, who is also the popular host of the Radio One Talk Show. Mr Serumaga was reportedly kidnapped by security operatives, and beaten in so rough and harsh a manner, that will remind most Ugandans of the darkest days of dictator Idi Amin's rule, when journalists and anti-government politicians were grabbed by military personnel, in open daylight, and taken to prison / torture chambers.
3. The closing down of independent media outlets - a number of radio stations were closed down, followed by the suspension of several journalists and media practitioners from freely practicing in their trade.
National and International Concerns:
Various Human Rights organisations, both local and international, are expressing grave concerns about the brutality meted out to many innocent Ugandan citizens by the security forces, in the course of suppressing the revolt by Buganda Kingdom loyalists. Images of beatings and brutal harassment, by police and military operatives, of Baganda activists, that were beamed across the globe on mainstream TV networks (BBC, CNN, SKY, Aljazeera, etc) have greatly dented your government's reputation, and cast Uganda in a very dark light.
Global campaign organisations, such as the New York based Committee to Protection Journalists (CPJ), have also weighed in, calling upon the government of Uganda to stop harassing media practitioners and restricting media freedoms and political debate in the country.
Need to Do the Right Things - and These Are:
1. Release Prisoners and Work for Harmony and Peace in Buganda and Throughout Uganda:
Mr President, in order to de-escalate the increasingly deteriorating situation in the country, and bring about harmony and peaceful co-existence amongst Ugandans, it is most appropriate that you order your security services (the police, army, presidential guard brigade, and intelligence outfits) to stop arresting, harassing, beating, torturing and tear-gassing innocent citizens, whose only crime is to exercise their freedoms, as guaranteed by the constitution of Uganda.
2. Free the Media in Uganda:
Your Excellency, have you asked yourself any of these questions:
- Why did so many Ugandans, including yourself, engage in so many political struggles and battles in the last 5 decades, in order that Ugandan citizens could enjoy their human rights and freedoms, only for your government to turn round and destroy the very freedoms and rights, that people died and sacrificed so much for?
- Why did you and your government allow the flourishing of so many independent media outlets (fm radio stations, newspapers, etc), only to start frustrating and hampering their smooth running and development, using Idi-Amin style methods?
Mr. President, it is absolutely essential that you immediately apply your authority, not for the purpose of putting an end to, but advancing free speech in the country. If Uganda is to build a truly democratic society, then the media has to freely play the role of public watchdog - relentlessly quizzing and questioning public servants, and speaking out on important issues of concern to all sections of the country's citizenry.
It is high time that Uganda, as a country, entered the world of modernity and true civilisation - whereby governments, public institutions, as well as public servants are unreservedly subjected to intense and continuous scrutiny in their work and ultimately held accountable for their actions.
Your Excellency, it is with all the above in mind, that you are being called upon to immediately order the release and freedom of any Uganda media practitioner, who may be currently languishing in prison or on remand, or facing prosecution for merely carrying out their professional duties.
One such person is Mr Kalundi Serumaga, whose name has already been cited in this document. Your Excellency, as you are well aware, Mr. Kalundi Serumaga happens to be the son of the late Robert Serumaga, the prominent Ugandan writer and political activist, who died in exile in Kenya in 1980, while struggling to liberate Uganda of bad politics. Are we now wanting to sacrifice the life of his son in the same way, by either incarcerating him or exiling him? Are we trying to make sure that his nascent political and creative activism is never realised fully for the benefit of his motherland Uganda?
Ultimately, what is needed is the disbanding of all outdated and archaic laws and rules, which are hampering, rather than advancing, media freedoms and freedom of expression in Uganda.
3. Use Dialogue - Not Violence, to Resolve Entrenched and Complex National Problems:
Mr. President, for the sake of Peace, National Unity and Reconciliation in Uganda, you should reconsider your positions, in regard to the demands by Buganda Kingdom, in a way that solutions can be achieved peacefully and amicably.
Agitation for Federalism, or active campaigns by Buganda Kingdom supporters against the Land Bill, must not be seen by you as anti-Ugandan or, for that matter, evil deeds by evil people.
Your Excellency, military force should not be used to stop public discussions and debate on vital matters of concern to Ugandan citizens. That the Kabaka of Buganda should participate in these debates, as was supposed to be the case in Kayunga, is a very normal thing that should be permitted to freely transpire, without unnecessary interference of trigger-happy security forces.
4. Those who have Committed Crimes Against Humanity Should be Held Accountable:
In the circumstances, it is imperative that all the state authorities and security operatives who are found to have violated existing national and international laws and conventions, especially those involved in the murder and torture of innocent civilians, are brought to justice. Ultimately, the relevant national and international bodies and institutions involved in the dispensing of justice should investigate suspected violations, with the view to indicting and prosecuting those who are deemed to have committed crimes against humanity.
In Conclusion, Mr President, the onus is on you, as 'Ugandan Citizen Number One', to positively and constructive, rather than negatively and destructively, exercise the enormous power, bestowed onto you, thanks to the good and considerate will of the rest of Ugandan citizens.
You excellency, in seeking to stabilise an increasingly insecure country, and in attempting to unite a visibly fractured society, it is imperative that you provide good and compassionate leadership, with the ultimate objective of satisfying the wishes and aspirations of Ugandan people.
You, Mr. President, are supposed to be the 'Peoples' President', not your own President. And Uganda can only thrive and prosper, when the People feel that they, and not their President, can claim ownership of their country.
Whichever way you chose to deal with the current impasse in the country will determine the course of that country and the fate of her Peoples now and for centuries to come! Better make it good your Excellency!
This communication has been written by Dr. Vincent Magombe - a concerned Ugandan citizen and journalist. It has been written as an Open Letter to President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, for no other reason, other than to publicly state the acute concerns and worries being felt by most Ugandans at this point in time.

Dr. Vincent Magombe
Africa Inform International


Some of my works can be accessed on the following links:

My contact:

William Kituuka Kiwanuka
P. O. Box 33917,

Col. Besigye, Saleh agree on ghosts ! By Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda
There may not be many things that Dr. Kizza Besigye and Gen. Salim Saleh agree on but the two retired army officers share the same views on ghost soldiers in the UPDF.
Besigye and Saleh have both written detailed reports on the ghost phenomenon and the two army officers advised against jailing soldiers involved. They instead advocated a general amnesty and a High Command session over the problem.
And this was before their colleague, Maj. Gen. James Kazini, was imprisoned over charges related to the creation of ghost soldiers in the army. As military advisor to the Minister of State for Defence, Besigye wrote to President Museveni about ghost soldiers in 1998, asking the Commander-in-Chief to convene the High Command to discuss that and other matters affecting the army which he said was under “poor leadership.”
General Saleh wrote his own minority report on ghost soldiers in which he discouraged jailing guilty army officers, arguing that all officers must share the blame. He called for a retreat to discuss the matter.
Besigye’s document in particular makes one wonder whether the army could have minimised the proliferation of ghost soldiers if the Commander-in-Chief, President Museveni had listened to him nine years ago.
The two confidential documents on ghost soldiers and the general administration of the army give an insight into structural problems in the army that gave rise to ghost soldiers, making the case that jailing officers like James Kazini may not be a solution.
The High Command set up a three-member committee on June 3, 2003 to investigate the existence of ghost soldiers, intrigue and insubordination in the army. Members of the probe committee were; the then Minister of Defence Amama Mbabazi (chairman), Gen. Salim Saleh and Gen. David Tinyefuza.
The committee’s report, which formed the basis for the arrest and prosecution of dozens of army officers, including James Kazini, recommended harsh punishment for offenders.
But in Saleh’s minority report which was written in February 2004, he argues against imprisonment.
“The trial of the accused is also the trial of our institution. Few of us can feel a total lack of guilt and responsibility for what has been happening, at least by omission,” Saleh wrote (See full report on page 6).
While serving as Military Adviser to the Minister of State for Defence, the last government position he held, Col. Besigye penned a 12-page critique of army leadership on September 27, 1998 in which he blames the leadership style of the Commander-in- Chief.
Besigye proposes general amnesty to the perpetrators of ghosts in the army as well as other non-capital offences.
“Right from 1986, NRA/UPDF Command has been ineffective – to varying degrees at different times. This situation, however, has been progressively getting worse, especially, over the last 9 years (1989-1998). Failure to establish the exact strength of the force may be cited as one of the signs of this,” Besigye wrote.
In the document copied to the then Army Commander, Maj. Gen. Gregory Mugisha Muntu, Besigye identified the “inflation of strength” – especially in operational areas - as a big problem.
“Billions of shillings are lost in payment for non-existent strength, undermining provision of essential logistics and services…” he wrote.
Like Saleh, Besigye never recommended trial but rather, “grant amnesty to all officers and men of UPDF except those on capital offences.” Besigye also proposed re-organisation of the command and staff structures, and to retire officers and men who are no longer able to perform with packages.
He proposed a sitting of the High Command (including all senior officers as at January 26, 1986) to discuss the matter. Interestingly, Saleh’s proposals five years later are not much different from Besigye’s.
“I propose that we convene a retreat or conference to deliberate, not only on how we should stump out the cancer of corruption in the army, but other important matters, like improving troops’ welfare,” Saleh writes.
In a bold stance, Besigye had also criticised President Museveni for insisting on running the army on a day to day basis like was the case during the bush war. “Adequate authority is not conferred onto the Army Commander by H.E. The President/C-in-C,” he said, explaining that before 1986, the President who was then Chairman of the High Command (CHC), was in direct day-to-day command and control.
Besigye added that after 1986, the CHC became President, an office that came with enormous tasks such as the economy, foreign relations and political work; but the President nevertheless maintained control of the Army.
Besigye noted that even where the Army Commander attempted to assert his would-be authority, subordinates would still be inclined to seek the confirmation of the President.
Historical High Command
The Weekly Observer has learnt that after receiving Besigye’s document, Museveni didn’t directly respond to it but called on the ‘Historical High Command’ to discuss it.
Col. Besigye told this writer on phone that on two occasions he appeared before this ‘Historical High Command’ which was sitting at Salim Saleh’s residence in Mbuya.
The meeting had Gen. Elly Tumwine (chair), Brig. Mayato Kyaligonza, Maj. Gen. Joram Mugume, deceased Brig. Bamwesiga Kamwesiga, and Brig. Samuel Kasirye Gwanga.
According to Besigye, the so-called Historical High Command was irregularly created.
“Museveni must have told Saleh and Tumwine to invite some people,” he said.
Brig. Kasirye Gwanga seemed to confirm this when he confessed to The Weekly Observer on phone that he is not a member but simply joined in. “Nenyigayo bwenyizi” (I just joined in!).
Commenting on the UPDF today, Besigye told The Weekly Observer that the situation has not improved since he wrote his critique.
“It has changed only for worse - and it can only get worse. Museveni is the biggest problem, one who is responsible for the irregularities in the army, and deliberately [so],” he charged.
Besigye, now leader of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change, added that President Museveni did not want systems in the army to work or regulations to be followed.
“He wants to run UPDF like a peasant runs his home in a village,” Besigye claimed.
The retired colonel further said that the Army Chief remains a figurehead while Museveni micro-manages the army.
He said the Commander-in-Chief was only interested in ensuring loyalty from the UPDF “and to ensure that it (Army) responds to his illegitimate demands and provides favours to all kinds of situation he finds himself in”. Besigye cited the army’s involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan to prove his point.
When asked for a comment, Gen. Elly Tumwine declined to comment on the creation of the ‘Historical High Command’ and the summoning of Besigye. He said he didn’t want to answer Besigye because he was off track.
On his part, the Army/Defence Spokesman, Maj. Paddy Ankunda, said that what Besigye had said was false but “he is entitled to his views in this democratic environment.”
He said the UPDF Act clearly defines the relationship between the CDF and the Commander-in-Chief. “How differently would he (Besigye) have behaved? Wouldn’t he behave within the confines of the law that define his roles?” Ankunda asked.
Asked about the ‘Historical High Command’, Ankunda denied its existence. “There is nothing like Historical High Command… I don’t see it in the law. It has no place.”
Indeed the embattled Maj. Gen. James Kazini once threatened to arrest Saleh and his group if they ever convened the so-called ‘Historical High Command’ meeting.


On September 22, 2005, The Weekly Observer exclusively published excerpts of a testimony by now jailed MAJ. GEN. JAMES BUNANUKYE KAZINI to the committee investigating ghost soldiers. To understand his three-year prison sentence handed out last week by Court Martial chairman LT. GEN. IVAN KORETA, one needs to read Kazini’s testimony again. Below we reproduce a slightly edited version.
COMMITTEE: We would like your particulars on record, army number, name, appointment and the various offices you have held in the recent past as an introduction.
KAZINI: I am Maj. Gen. James Kazini. RO 1331, served in various capacities in UPDF. I begin with NRA as a regular army. I was a CO (Commanding Officer) of 14 Bn, I will not mention the period, and then I was CO 1 Bn (battalion), then Bde (brigade) commander 301. Then I was camp commandant GHQs (General Headquarters), commandant Military Police, armoured battalion CO at that time – CO mechanised regiment.
After that I was Operation Commander West Nile in Koboko. From there, I became second in command of 4 Division, then later (1996) the Division CO; after 4 Div I became the army (Chief of Staff) COS - 1998. During my tenure as COS, I was overseer of operations in DRC (Operation Safe Haven) and overseer of operations against ADF, two roles. Then I became the acting Army Commander (November 4, 2001).
COMMITTEE: We would like to hear from you the role of Army Commander and Chief of Staff in strength management and passing of financial claims?
KAZINI: When I became the Chief of Staff (COS)… first of all, there was no correct handover and take over. I just inherited a stamp from Chefe Ali. When I was appointed, I came to Bombo. I only found his ADC, Lt. Nuwe [Kyepaka], who was seated on his desk. He said, ‘Welcome the new COS, here is the stamp’. I got the stamp, went and sat in the chair and started working. No handover report.
The duties, which I found were actually rubber-stamping documents, flow of documents, purchases, procurement, vouchers. There is what is called a punched ladder, where documents come in, we don’t know their source of origin but you would see the vote holders’ signature, they just endorse to the PS [Permanent Secretary].
It took me time to understand because I was endorsing things I didn’t know about; uniforms, dry rations, fuel, etc. Then when these documents go to the PS that ladder… those vouchers, you are the COS, you just sign without even knowing the background of what is on the vote.
As time went on, I started asking myself even at that time, the question of paying soldiers was not the business of the COS.
COMMITTEE: What reasons can you give this Committee why Afande Chefe Ali did not hand over?
KAZINI: I don’t know. The culture of handover was not there in UPDF.
COMMITTEE: The genesis of ghosts in UPDF to your knowledge, the background how the whole thing started and whom you think the main actors and main weaknesses are?
KAZINI: I want to tell the chair that they should understand the word ghosts and balances. These are two different things, which you need to understand. I think ghosts originated from balances. It begins in a given financial year; let’s say financial year 2004-2005. I have a document here, which I have brought as a case study for May this year (2003), how much money was verified and paid out to soldiers and how much money came out of the Treasury, which left behind a balance of 1.9 billion shillings officially.
COMMITTEE: What you are saying is that because names are not declared, whether deserters or dead, the Treasury keeps remitting money every month which is known?
KAZINI: By the Director of Finance and Permanent Secretary. Now the Chief of Staff and Army Commander are aside. We don’t know that.
COMMITTEE: PS knows it?
KAZINI: Yes, Director of Finance and Principal Accountant.
COMMITTEE: Those know?
KAZINI: Very well.
COMMITTEE: That this money that has come from the Treasury has no owner?
KAZINI: Yes. It remains here and it’s put on what they call below the line account.
COMMITTEE: Even before money goes to the Division or Bde to be eaten, already there is money here at the HQ which is known and you are giving an example that in May alone Shs 1.9 billion was availed officially, which was put on what account?
KAZINI: Below the line account. This money comes here and is deducted officially from the Treasury bill. Looking at the documents, the amount of money released from Treasury in May was Shs 10.6 billion. Then the balance of Shs 1.9 billion. Yes, and it’s deducted every month, official balance; that is what I am saying. Yes, this is a paper on ghosts. What I meant is that big balance of the so-called ghosts remains here. That is what I call the official balance. There are these other small balances which people (field commanders) buy time (with); [saying] after all if we submit this one it’s going to remain at the HQ and be eaten. Let me also remain with this one until the financial year ends.
COMMITTEE: Does that mean that the people at the HQ actually have the list of the dead, AWOL and deserters they already know?
KAZINI: They do! It arises because we know the verified strength, they have already verified the strength, there are the dead, AWOL (Away Without Official Leave), and deserters. So instead of telling the Treasury, the wage bill should be cut by this amount this month, they don’t do it because it’s internal.
COMMITTEE: So you are sure there are ghosts?
KAZINI: Yes. For sure there are ghosts in the army but controlled now. There is the official and unofficial (in other words at the MOD HQs and in units).
COMMITTEE: Why are some people saying that you are the one who encouraged ghosts?
KAZINI: I don’t know. I don’t think I was encouraging ghosts. It’s me and it’s on record in message books [who] started this question of fighting ghosts. I am the third [fourth?] AC (Army Commander). There was Afande [Elly] Tumwine, [Salim] Saleh, Gen. [Mugisha] Muntu, and [Jeje] Odongo… all these things were there. Whether they were sleeping, who knows? So absurd to say it’s me. May be I got into people’s ways of …
COMMITTEE: We would like you to tell us who created ghosts in 4 Division to your knowledge.
KAZINI: You see we discovered there are ghosts, no army in 4 Division at the time. We made a report to the C-I-C through the AC at that time and he brought somebody called Nakayenga. They found ghosts in 1996, and you remember one paymaster (Lt. Osele) killed himself because he was cornered. He was sending Shs 400m to the Director of Finance, Maj. Bright Rwamirama, at that time every month, even more.
We found that the army was not on ground and we scaled down. There was merging of units. It’s on record. Merged including Brigades, scaled down because the army was not on ground. 405 Bde was deleted from the books at that time under Lt. Col. Dradiga…At that time we didn’t know how many Bdes were supposed to be in UPDF and how many Bdes were cut off because by the time I became COS, by establishment we could see only Bde formations 501 and 503; the rest could appear as battalion formations without Bde. They were there but few.
The parade was supposed to be done at Chwero of Nakayenga. They went there, they didn’t find soldiers. Then when they were going to fly out, Dradiga threatened to shoot an RPG [at the] helicopter of Nakayenga. We had to intervene with mambas. He didn’t fire at it but threatened and when the woman came, she went to the C-I-C and said she has given up the work, can’t continue because she is going to lose her life.
COMMITTEE: You remember a Capt. Byakutaga ran away with money for our troops in Operation Safe Haven?
KAZINI. It’s on record that it’s me actually who sent a message looking for him because soldiers in Basankusu were complaining about non-payment for a month. I sent a message and they said he had taken the Arua route bringing the money. So we waited and he never appeared. That is another case, he just ran away with the money. Hopefully, he will appear one day and say he was leaving GHQs for pay in the very eyes of the acting Chief of Staff at that time, Brig. Kashaka. So it really disturbs me how one could withdraw Shs 1.3 billion in cash and is not given security.
COMMITTEE: Maj. Bush would antagonise the Chief of Logistics and Engineering (Brig. Oketa) allegedly on your orders, and Maj. Nuwe in Military Police [antagonised Lt. Col. Dick Bujingo]?
KAZINI: Maj. Bush has been OC POL [officer in charge of petrol, oils and lubricants] in that department since the beginning of this army… It was not me who deployed him, it was COS. I was in Gulu. I found that those who had come from Egypt had been deployed. But to say that I was using him to abuse Oketa… actually that was an abuse to me.
I never sent Bush to abuse Oketa. Oketa said many things, as you know, and he is the one saying that he is the one who removed me from the army command as I am talking now. It’s not correct.
First of all, I came with CLE [Chief of Logistics and Engineering], we came at the same time, me as COS, Oketa as CLE. This is a kind of conflict. What Brig. Oketa was aiming at was different. I can explain a few things.
What he wanted [to say] actually was that I was interfering in his work because I was implementing the President’s directives. The President said that let the army get out of procurement, and contract with civilian organisations like Total, Shell and all that, it should be MOD [Ministry of Defence]. That was what I was implementing.
Whenever I would not be here, he [Oketa] would bulldoze these undersecretaries around, threaten to box them. They are here; ask Madam Byengoma, Kakooza, etc. He would tell them that he is a fighter – but we are the ones who captured Oketa in Masaka – that I have brought German dogs in Gulu to guard me against him. Whenever I would be here, he would not bulldoze the ministry. Maj. Nuwe became an OPTO (in charge of training and operations of Military Police) after his course in Egypt. There is not even a single day that I had given him orders to undermine his commanding officer (Lt. Col. Dick Bujingo). No. Maj. Nuwe is there and you know Military Police, what work do they do apart from guarding a few soldiers here in Bombo and escorting Bank of Uganda money?
COMMITTEE: There have been allegations that you promoted a particular type of people, like Lt. Col. Segamwenge, Lt. Col. Mawa [Muhindo], Lt. Col. L’Okech, Maj. Nuwe [Kyepaka]?
KAZINI: The power of promotion is vested in the C-I-C [Commander-in-Chief]. People were promoted by the C-I-C because they excelled in operational performance. Actually, what I was doing, I was saying this one has done that, this one has done this, so he does that. That one I think the C-I-C had those powers.
Now, when it comes to jumping ranks, so many people had jumped ranks, now about Afande Muntu [Mugisha], he was a colonel and he became a major general. How about Jeje Odongo, why don’t you include them on the list?
COMMITTEE: The question is because those ones were promoted by the C-I-C directly.
KAZINI: Even these ones were promoted by C-I-C. There are messages that promoted Segamwenge, Mawa, L’Okech and Nuwe directly without referring to the promotions board.
COMMITTEE: Some people are complaining that you lied to H.E. about those people, they have never performed?
KAZINI: If I lied, then that one I accept. If the President can be lied to then… but why should I lie to my C-I-C, first of all I am a soldier. I took an oath, why should I tell lies to mislead him? Then those people who are saying that I am telling lies should give facts, we shall listen to them.
COMMITTEE: Why do you think such a thing (promotions) should have prompted protests?
KAZINI: They complained, then later on 1,300 officers were promoted randomly, even those who were dead. The C-I-C was made to sign an administrative order promoting people, even those who died. Was that justified? When we promoted 1,300 people randomly before elections!
Because of lack of records, a list was taken even as people had disappeared, others had gone to Rwanda, why don’t you talk about those? Just a few of those like L’Okech who did well in Congo!
Because really to complain about these four people, really we promoted many and you don’t even comment on that mistake that was made of random promotion, these fake service numbers, fake names, the list is there, it can be verified. Whether those people had done courses, how were they promoted by the so-called Commissions’ Board at that time, who chaired it?
COMMITTEE: The Bihanga recruitment. 7,000 recruits were crammed into a place which allegedly was inadequate and poorly facilitated?
KAZINI: We have trained that number before in Bihanga. Secondly, the situation in Ituri warranted us to train them there. So we wanted quick recruitment elsewhere in the west to reinforce Ituri if you [know what] was happening at that time. So there was no peculiar motive. It was purely based on the situation as it was at that time.
You see a big majority of UPDF come from irregular forces (LDUs). So there is nobody who can [claim] that the Bihanga forces training was shoddy when you know that 70% of the UPDF originated from LDUs.
COMMITTEE: Why was there friction between you and Chief of Training (COT) Col. Muhesi over this Bihanga issue, and Col. Potel Kivuna?
KAZINI: The problem I think arose from supplies. Everybody here knows that when you have a training wing you don’t supply; so they thought that now it’s Potel going to do the supply, of course helping me, like that.
So we denied the COT a chance.
So the conflict was that I was denying him that chance. He even came to me saying, you know your sister came to me. There is this chance we are going to train. I told him, Muhesi don’t tell me this - you know he is married to my cousin sister – that your sister is now going to have milk because we are going to have training.
I said, me I know how to make my money, [but] not from that line. That is the whole problem, not congestion. Saying that my sister is now going to get milk…
COMMITTEE: So Inspector General of Military Equipment (IGME) does not know how many guns he has?
KAZINI: Yes, returns. I started it one time as AC for these big ones and the weapons which were not working. He failed because he had no database. So we were telling commanders that when you are sending nominal rolls, put the serial numbers of the weapons, it was never done.
COMMITTEE: So really you do not know where these guns are?
COMMITTEE: And what you are saying is that commanders can deploy them as and when they want?
COMMITTEE: Without central counter?
KAZINI: Yes. A gun is supposed to have a Bn (battalion) number and a serial number recorded. With us it is not the case, we just give out guns like that. For example, all those guns given to the Arrow Group, they were just from stores anywhere and given.
COMMITTEE: But then, how do you run the army? By magic or what?
KAZINI: You know we have been running the Army because of the good politics of the President. Because that is how LDUs come in. You get surprised, where is the army? AC, Fanya LDUs hapa, andika document fanya Bunyoro/Buganda LDU. Like that. The army has been surviving on the goodwill of the President and his good politics. Fanya hii, fanya hii. Standing army, where is it?
Even you remember when the RPAs went, they deserted about 4,000 people, and we were all here. Nobody said let us verify strength… these people have gone, they should be counted AWOL (Absent without official leave), then their numbers will be known. Can anybody tell us how many RPAs left the army?
It is just an imagined number from the press. But you know really somebody would have said no, I think they have escaped, here are their names. There is no record of the RPA who escaped. We would have it in data. Kalekezi, Kagame, somebody, nobody had it.
COMMITTEE: Interpersonal conflicts, first of all are they there?
KAZINI: No, they are not there. It is just undermining authority that is there. Because I did not make myself the COS [Chief of Staff]. These people would go around saying but who made this Kazini the COS, hii mtu hakukuwa porini….[this man did not even fight in the bush] Mambo kama hiyo [stuff like that]. After that AC…. Huyo hana shida [he has no problem] with the C-I-C, the appointing authority. That me I did not go to school.
That is up to the C-I-C. The knowledge I have, maybe he appreciated it. That is why he gave me that appointment. So it is something like that. To me, it is not conflict, it is just undermining authority.
COMMITTEE: During your leadership, you had problems with Col. Muhesi, Brig. Oketa, Brig. Tumukunde, Col. Burundi, among others, and your reasons for that perception?
KAZINI: There were others. Now that you have mentioned some of them, you should also mention others (Col. Angina, Col. Muzoora, Maj. Mutengesa, Lt. Col. Dick Bugingo).
Let me start with Brig. Tumukunde. You know very well Tumukunde was the Chief of Personnel and Administration (CPA). When Afande Saleh came to Gulu as the overseer, Tumukunde said that it was me who had asked the President to bring Afande Saleh, and yet the whole AC would be the one to come there.
He went to the President and said that may be Afande Saleh’s people are not working in the GHQs. Then whenever I would say something, Tumukunde would intervene. When he (Tumukunde) became Chief of Military Intelligence (CMI), I happened to be the COS. The AC then, Afande Jeje [Odongo], mandated me to go and preside over the handover/takeover as COS.
I went there and sat with the C/Comdt [Camp Commandant], he refused to come, that he does not recognise me as COS. Me what I did was to tell the person taking over to continue with work.
From CMI he became the 4th Div CO [Commanding Officer]. He commanded the Division well and then he made a lot of changes there, and the balances, he landed on it, he handled it the way he wanted. We did not care about that one.
But the worst strong point came when he planned an operation to go and attack Kony in Sudan at Lubanga Tek, which later on failed. I was not told anything, I was here as the COS. It was between him (Tumukunde), the AC then, and the President.
They went and marshalled forces, organised, I did not know anything…
The President is the one who told us there is a mission going to happen there, me I was just hearing like news.
So what Tumukunde did; he went, flagged off the forces, and he flew to America. I was not monitoring anything. It was the President who knew that the operational commander was not there. Then he called off the forces because they did not have food, they had got tired. It is a long journey…
It was Oketa to command the operation after he had given all the confidence that he would succeed. They had reached almost 10km to the target but Mzee [President Museveni] was given information, I think from intelligence. Out of the force, I think they were 1,500, 500 were already on stretchers. This is the information I got much later.
Then he said stop, and come back. Tumukunde, I understand, was in the USA. For him he said: Aaah, this is Kazini now, who has undermined my work, my operation.
He met me here in corridors and told me, and I said, ‘I did not know about your operation, Tumukunde’. I was taken by surprise to read the message of H.E the President stopping the operation but I did not know really about the operation.
I would have supported it, I did not want it to end. But for him he took it that I had sabotaged it. Only to find out the operation commanders he had sent; Rwandese and other people, they got stuck on the way, food could not reach. It was a rainy season, between the border and that place you can’t take less than seven days… everything was stuck on the way. Okay those things happen. So that is another matter.
Things continued like that. One time, he was saying that when I was made the COS, I came with the following people; he used to talk about it openly. Lt. Col. Mugenyi Phenehas to be CPA, Obwoya Fearless to be CLE, like that, like that. He said that first of all, I took Afande Saleh to the North [to] manufacture a coup d’etat… That is Tumukunde, Sir.
I said, Tumukunde, why are you making up all that? And when I was COS, he [Tumukunde] never appeared in my office, to call him on phone, he refused. I looked for a way to arrest him but I couldn’t because as I told you the COS is not empowered to do anything like that.
It continued, then lastly there was an eviction of people from houses in town.
This was H.E.’s directive. He said that people who are living in houses of Indians, go and convince them to get out of people’s houses; when they refuse and there is an eviction letter, you should take them out.
It happened that Tumukunde’s sister had a house in Kololo. Me, I did not know. When that thing happened, Tumukunde knew that I had specifically tasked Military Police to evict his sister from the house.
I told Tumukunde that I didn’t know of it. If he had rang me, that eviction I would have stopped until he sorted it out. So that is undermining of authority, it is not a problem concerning cohesion in the army.
When he was handing over CMI [Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence] to Mayombo, I was there. The AC mandated me, you go, and see the handover. You know what he said?
“I know you have followed me again, now I am going to Gulu, I do not think Gulu will be my last office, because you are still behind me” – at the handover ceremony! So that is Tumukunde.

Alex Atuhaire
JAILED former army commander James Kazini told investigators that he used the Shs 61 million he is accused of having stolen, to fly troops to the eastern DR Congo town of Bunia in Ituri province to rescue Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura who had been held hostage by rebels there.
According to sources who attended Gen. Kazini’s camera trial before the General Court Martial, while the former army commander admitted that the money in question was “organised and sent to the 507 brigade as salary”, it was later withdrawn to fund operations – in Bunia in March 2003.
“They had to fly troops day and night and at one time before the D-day, we had no money. So I asked the DF (director of finance), can we organise? Because these things … because of Kisangani experience how can we raise money quickly to pay pilots around so that they fly these troops to Bunia,” Kazini reportedly explained.
“Then the DF said it is possible on the wage but you have to account for it. Where can it pass? It is easy since there is money going to 507 brigade, second division. It can be accessed from there. And that money was brought. And it was used operationally,” Gen. Kazini was quoted in a transcript of tape No. 37 of the Ghost Committee proceedings conducted in 2003.
The transcript was reportedly brought before the General Court Martial by the prosecution team, as partial evidence adduced by the High Command committee on ghost soldiers, used to pin the former army commander.
Gen. Kazini was on March 27 sentenced to three years in jail by the General Court Martial for causing loss of Shs61 million through creation of ghost soldiers on the military’s payroll. The ghosts had apparently been found on the 507 brigade payroll, based in Rwenzori mountains, in western Uganda.
He is serving his term at Luzira Prison in Kampala, together with former 507 brigade commander, Lt. Col. Dura Mawa Muhindo and Capt. Micheal Baryaguma, also convicted on the same charges.
But Gen. Kazini told the ghost investigators that he used the money because troops had to be urgently airlifted because Maj. Gen. Kayihura’s base in Bunia, under the watch of only UPDF 53 battalion, was under siege from the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC) rebels of Thomas Lubanga.
Gen. Kayihura was between February and April 2003, in charge of the UPDF operations in eastern DR Congo province of Ituri where he had been assigned by President Yoweri Museveni to oversee the then Ituri Pacification Process.
Gen. Kayihura, then a military assistant to the President, later oversaw the final and total withdrawal of UPDF troops in eastern DR Congo, on April 25, 2003.
Gen. Kayihura was on March 2, 2003 held hostage for more than six hours by the angry Congolese rebels, who demanded that the UPDF withdraws from the eastern DR Congo town. Gen. Kayihura would later be saved in an operation commanded by then UPDF Congo sector commander, Col. David Muhoozi - who was then commanding officer 53 battalion and sector commander in Bunia and Beni.
Gen. Kayihura confirmed yesterday that troops were sent to reinforce his mission in Bunia, but said to ask him to comment on allegations of how the money was raised “was unfair”.
“Yes, troops were sent, that’s true, but I absolutely do not know how the money was raised,” Gen. Kayihura told Daily Monitor by telephone.
After the incident, between March 2 – 10, 2003, the UPDF sent at least eight more battalions in eastern DR Congo, after field intelligence reports, indicated that the UPC rebels were planning to offer operational bases in Ituri to the rebel People’s Redemption Army.
Two of the battalions, re-deployed from the 1st division based in Kakiri were flown directly to Bunia from Entebbe by Antonov planes. The others were re-deployed from the 2nd division based in western Uganda and the 4th division based in northern Uganda. On March 8, 2003, Daily Monitor quoted then army spokesman – Shaban Bantariza as saying the heavy deployment was “an inevitable consequence”.
On March 6, 2003, after heavy reinforcement, the UPDF forced Thomas Lubanga’s UPC rebels out of Bunia after a night of fighting and captured an assortment of weapons, which the rebels had allegedly got from Rwanda.
In March, 2003, the UPDF troops in Ituri also captured alleged PRA rebels after heavy fighting in the vast eastern DR Congo province.
Gen. Kazini, who was appointed army commander on November 4, 2001 and fired on June 5, 2003 which was on Friday, again arraigned before the General Court Martial under Lt. Gen. Ivan Koreta, and in a camera trial, was told he had a case to answer on charges of “disobeying the Commander-in-Chief” in relation to deployment of troops.
Gen. Kazini was together with several other senior UPDF officers implicated by a three-man committee that between June and September 2003, investigated the existence of ghost soldiers on the UPDF payroll. Mr Amama Mbabazi, then the defence minister, chaired the investigation team. The other members were Gen. Salim Saleh and Gen. David Tinyefuza, the coordinator of intelligence services.


Alex Atuhaire
Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura yesterday denied that troop reinforcements sent to him while overseeing UPDF operations in the eastern DR Congo province of Ituri in March 2003, were meant to rescue him from Congolese rebel captivity.
The Inspector General of Police said in a statement yesterday, that the UPDF deployments were meant to foil an anticipated counter-attack by the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC) rebels of Thomas Lubanga and their allies, who had been driven out of Bunia, on March 6, 2003.
Daily Monitor yesterday reported that jailed former Army Commander James Kazini told investigators that he used the Shs61 million he is accused of having stolen, to fly troops to Bunia in Ituri province to rescue Gen. Kayihura who had been held hostage by rebels there.
But Gen. Kayihura said yesterday that; “The above statement is erroneous and does not portray the correct sequence of events, or even the developments leading to the actual events themselves”. Below is the full statement
The lead story in yesterday’s Daily Monitor titled ‘I used ‘ghost cash’ to save Kayihura’ contains outright falsehoods that must be corrected.
The story refers to remarks allegedly made by the former Army Commander, Gen. James Kazini that, quote ‘he used the Shs61 million he is accused of having stolen, to fly troops to the eastern DR Congo town of Bunia in Ituri province to rescue Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura who had been held hostage by rebels there’ unquote.
The above statement is erroneous and does not portray the correct sequence of events, or even the developments leading to the actual events themselves.
Whereas I would not want to comment on the matter of ‘ghost soldiers’ or the source of funding of any military operation, I, however, wish to correct the errors of fact carried in the story as follows:
It is true that, in one of the various meetings I held with the leadership of Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC) in Ituri Province of the DRC, there was a heated argument in which my life was threatened.
This incident happened at the office-cum-residence of UPC leader, Mr Thomas Lubanga, in the presence of almost all of his commanders and two officers of Monuc.
In the meeting, the UPC made all sorts of allegations and demands against the UPDF, which led to heated exchanges. The tension and hostility was eventually diffused, first, by my managing the situation on the ground, and secondly, by friendly UPC commanders who declined to harm me as instructed.
In the meantime, two ministers of the UPC had falsely informed the local correspondent of the BBC/VOA, Mr Mike Arereng, that I had been held hostage.
The meeting, which started at 9am, continued until 6pm, where after I returned to my base, unharmed. We subsequently learned that the hostility exhibited by the UPC at the meeting, and the orders to eliminate me, were designed to provoke the UPDF, and a prelude to attacks on our positions around Bunia. At no point were the UPDF positions in Bunia under siege by the UPC, as claimed in the Daily Monitor story.
The hostility exhibited in the meeting, and the eventual resolution of the situation, had nothing to do with the UPDF reinforcements sent to Ituri. In fact, the reinforcements were sent long after the event, and the objectives of this deployment had no relation to the incident.
A few days after the meeting at Lubanga’s residence-cum-office, the UPC militia attacked the two UPDF positions at the local airport, and at Del. The 53rd Battalion, which I commanded, repulsed Lubanga’s forces and routed them out of Bunia.
It was in anticipation of a counter-attack by the allies of the UPC that UPDF reinforcements were deployed in Ituri, and certainly not for the purpose of rescuing me from an incident that had already been resolved.


Lord, this time round help Uganda to get another leader who will give people hope so that they get out of the current situation which is unfortunate.

Jesus our Lord in Matthew 21: 18 – 22 it is written that, “Early in the morning, as you were on your way back to the city, you were hungry. Seeing a fig – tree by the road, you went up to it but found nothing on it except leaves. Then you said to it, “May you never bear fruit again! Immediately the tree withered. When your disciples saw this, they were amazed. How did the fig tree wither so quickly?” they asked.
You replied, “I tell you the truth, if you have faith and do not doubt, not only can you do what was done to the fig – tree, but also you can say to a mountain, “Go throw yourself into the sea, and it will be done. You told us that if we believe, we will receive what we ask for in prayer.”
Good Lord, I pray that you give me faith so that my prayers to you can equally remove the problem of bad leadership our country Uganda is confronted with. In this prayer I appeal to your mercy that you inspire the Uganda voters to see the wrong, the deceit, the hatred, the lack of any sound future, the corruption, the source of suffering of the poor people of Uganda, and how they are used by the current leaders for the ends of the leaders as they are impoverished on. Dear Lord, you see the loans the country continues to borrow; these are to be paid by the impoverished poor and their children and grand children, yet the returns to these loans leave a number of questions unanswered.
Good Lord, help the voters to see with their own eyes the ills inflicted on them and instead of taking them to be ‘normal’ fight them through the use of the ballot and give them the wisdom to vote wisely.
I pray in Jesus name, Amen.
William Kituuka Kiwanuka

There is enough time to process Voters' Cards for all eligible voters for 2011 General Elections. It is common knowledge that some parties have in past elections exploited loopholes hence leading to disputed results after voting. This time round, the Electoral Commission should not even mention that there will be voters without voters cards as there is no reason sound for it. All eligible voters MUST have voter cards, we are part of that backwardness where there is always a loophole to be exploited though funds may not be the constraint. Voter Cards and national identity Cards are two different projects and it is not known mandate at this time for the Electoral Commission to mix up the two as we know their mandate to deliver periodical free and fair elections not processing national ids or getting involved thereof. If the Commission does not have enough funds for the project, let them proceed with the exercise and meanwhile make an appeal to those good donors of ours to help out in the circumstances. Dr. Kiggundu should STOP shifting goal posts over issues that develop last moment. Given the experience the commission has, they should be ready to deliver the elections as required by law, and not come up with funny excuses of voters without cards; voters who are not on the register, nae them. We should agree on one or two things: That all Voters in the forthcoming General Elections MUST have Voters' Cards prior to voting; and all Voters to Vote MUST appear on the Voters' Register as minimum positions.

NEW emerging information presented to Parliament on Tuesday regarding the irregular sale of Butabika Hospital land shows that the bulk of buyers were officials from State House, ministry of Lands and members of the First family.
According to an investigation report into the illegal distribution of public land in Uganda, presented on the floor of the House by the parliamentary Public Accounts Committee, the bulk of the 176 plots of Butabika Hospital land were bought by big shots in government.
The report that stunned MPs was presented by Ssebuliba Mutumba (DP, Kawempe South). It says "the committee established that what actually happened was that the so called 'big investors' immediately transferred their interest on the land that had been allocated to them for pursuit of a noble cause to private individuals for purposes of private interest."
"…Surprisingly, in all the transactions, the Uganda Land Commission took no action and in fact, in most cases sanctioned the violation of these agreements," the report adds.
Butabika National mental Referral Hospital sits on plot 2, Block N0. 237-238 Kyadondo. It is composed of the main Civil Hospital, Kirinya Forensic Unit, two schools, senior quarters, a dairy and agricultural farms among others. The total acreage is 656 acres.
But out of the original 656 acres, Butabika Hospital now remains with only 150 acres after ULC allocated a big chunks to private developers without Parliamentary approval.
Some of the prominent buyers include; Mr Richard Muhinda, the State House Comptroller who acquired (plot 23 Butabika Crescent), Mr George William Ssekubwabo Kyeyune, a private secretary to the President, J.M Bwogi (State House), Mr Edwin Karugire, Geoffrey and Diana Kamuntu, and Mr Derrick B. Akandwanaho (members of the First Family).
However, the Chairman of ULC, Mr Mayanja Nkangi, yesterday defended the land giveaway, saying the Commission has powers to allocate land to anybody who comes with a good proposal "and we don't look at where people come from or what they do." Mr Nkangi said; "the land was legally given to individuals who approached us with proposals and I think they have that right to get the land" he said.
But the committee report says; "…all the allocations or transactions were done despite protests from officials of both the ministry of Health and Butabika Hospital who had a development plan in question."
The report names the other "investors" as Commissioners of Land, Jonathan Tibisaasa, Edward Karibwende, Mrs Kabanda (wife to Permanent Secretary Ministry of Lands), Rita Wanyenze, secretary to the Chairman ULC, Florence Luzira, also from Lands, Ivan Bwayo (son of secretary to ULC Chairman), Mr Watson Wakoli and Wilson Makoba - both from the Ministry of Lands.
Some army officers mentioned in the 23-paged report include; Deputy Chief of Defence Forces, Lt. Gen. Ivan Koreta, former UPDF Chief of Personnel and Administration Col. Steven Othieno, Col. Fred Mugisha and the Commander of Mechanised Brigade Brig. James Mugira.
Politicians and business people like Minister of Information Kirunda Kivejinja, Sam Njuba, Godffrey Nyakana and his wife Charlotte were also given part of the 400 acres as investors.
Companies like M/S Sarna Trading of Dubai, which plans to construct a modern hospital facility, got 250 acres, Mukwano Industries got 50 acres to put up a housing estate while M/S Property Services got 100 acres.
The new information, which comes hot on the heels of a
claim by Mr Jerome Kaddumukasa Ssozi - Mityana legislator - that top army generals own a piece of Buganda's much-cherished 9,000 sq miles of land may fuel the belief by critics that the government's motive in pressing for amendments to the 1998 Land Act, now before Parliament, are driven by the selfish desire for personal aggrandisement of top government and army officers.
The government has variously denied the claims, saying the amendments are meant to stop the rampant evictions countrywide. Dr Fred Kigozi, the executive director of Butabika Hospital, last year told PAC that the hospital had no land title because it was forcefully taken by some officials from the Ministry of Lands and ULC.
But Mr Nkangi said ULC has the powers to take away the title "when good proposals" to develop land are approved "by us" and a decision is made to sell or allocate land to developers.
The committee recommends that in cases where established procedures of acquiring land were flouted, "all officials involved should be held responsible for their actions as per the laws of the land."
The MPs also say all the government land allocated to private developers since 1995 be availed to Parliament for scrutiny. Parliament, however, declined to pronounce itself on the report given the legal implications involved in revoking the leases. A committee was proposed to study the report and advise on the way forward.

Chris Obore
Makerere University Business School Council has moved to terminate a multi-million-shilling information and communications technology tender with SocketWorks (U) Ltd, citing, among other concerns, unclear dealings by the company’s directors.
“SocketWorks has been irregularly demanding for payments for initial implementation when the implementation was agreed to be at zero cost to MUBS,” an April 16 report of a MUBS Council ad hoc sub-committee reads in part.
The committee, chaired by Mr James Mwesigye, indicated that SocketWorks (U) Ltd had caused the business school a loss of Shs497 million after failing to implement the project as agreed.
Mr Odrek Rwabwogo, one of President Museveni’s sons-in law, and Nigerian Anthony Nwachukwu are local partners in SocketWorks (U) Ltd.
Mr Rwabwogo, however, denies being a part of SocketWorks (U) Ltd. While SocketWorks (U) Ltd was expected to install computers and other equipment free, the company later demanded that each MUBS student pays Shs40,000 per semester as part of the initial implementation cost of the project – a move that violated the memorandum of understanding. The business school has about 10,000 students.
The ad hoc committee also cited concerns including the directorship of SocketWorks (U) Ltd being shrouded in mystery, after 51 percent shares were “illegally” transferred from Mr Nwachukwu to SocketWorks Ltd, the purported parent company of SocketWorks (U) Ltd.
“Issues of directorship remained questionable,” the report notes. The ad hoc committee also noted that SocketWorks (U) Ltd had guaranteed an $8 million loan to SocketWorks (Nigeria), technically rendering the Ugandan company bankrupt and “financially incapable of performing the MUBS project activities”.
In a November 2007 report, the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority (PPDA) observed that the contract between SockectWorks (U) Ltd and MUBS was illegally procured and should be terminated.
“The Committee, further to the findings of illegality by the PPDA report … therefore strongly recommends MUBS immediate opting out of the relationship [with SocketWorks (U) Ltd],” says the ad hoc sub-committee report.
Consequently, on April 22, the MUBS Council Secretary Michael Kakooza called for a council meeting on April 29 to consider the report. For unclear reasons, however, the council did not sit.
The project was meant to enhance student access to Internet services, provide software for the academic records information system, and other information systems in the areas of finance, library, human resource, and office management.
None of these things are in place. SocketWorks (U) Ltd has also so far not trained staff and students, has delivered only one of two generators promised, and that the company has no competent staff on the ground.
Under the deal, SocketWorks (U) Ltd was supposed to manage the software and ICT infrastructure for seven years from January 2007.
President Museveni launched the project at MUBS on April 30, 2007. It was not possible to get a comment from MUBS Principal Waswa Balunywa as he was variously reported to be in meetings. But when Daily Monitor first reported the controversies surrounding SocketWorks (U) Ltd on February 9, Dr Balunywa said: “This project has benefits to us as an institution and it’s a good project.”
Like he did in February, Mr Rwabwogo again distanced himself from SocketWorks (U) Ltd. “I don’t own SocketWorks,” he said. “I only introduced them [in the country two years ago as a subsidiary of SocketWorks Global.]”
Sunday Monitor has, however, obtained documents showing that Mr Rwabwogo, apart from being a director in SocketWorks (U) Ltd, also actively solicits business for the company from the government, including arranging meetings with his father-in-law - President Museveni.
The documents show that to disguise their direct partnership with SocketWorks (U) Ltd, Mr Rwabwogo and Mr Nwachukwu formed a company called African Innovations Initiative (AII) Ltd through which they held shares in SocketWorks (U) Ltd.
An internal update report prepared by Mr Nwachukwu on August 27, 2006 says: “AII Limited is a company formed by Odrek and myself to hold our interest in SocketWorks Uganda.
Because of the nature of doing business in Uganda, the press and conflict of interest issues that arise from Odrek’s relationship with the President of Uganda, we have been advised that it is prudent not to have Odrek’s name directly associated with SocketWorks Uganda while he is actively seeking benefits for the company from the Government of Uganda.”
When presented with these facts, Mr Rwabwogo said: “You guys at Monitor, only God should help you. You want to force everybody underground.”
“If you write that, I will sue you. I am afraid there is pettiness in our politics. True, I introduced them and they are delivering quality services.”
Mr Rwabwogo said he was aware the MUBS Council had moved to terminate the deal and hinted the decision was based on politics at the institution. “I know who is doing that at MUBS.”
He said regretfully that he is often in trouble because he is a son-in-law of the President. Documents in the Registrar General’s Office indicate that in October 2006, SocketWorks (U) Ltd filed a resolution appointing Mr Rwabwogo a director.
Mr Rwabwogo was also named in the PPDA report as a director with SocketWorks (U) Ltd. On Friday evening, Mr Rwabwogo called Sunday Monitor imploring the paper to consider the politics and business rivalry against him.
“If you investigate further, you might discover that MUBS Council is not cancelling that contract,” he said. “I can assure you it is not going to happen; they are looking into the falsehoods against me.”
The President’s son-in-law said he knew where and how Sunday Monitor obtained the story and supporting documents “but some civil servants when you don’t give them money they start to fight you”.
He declined to name names of who is fighting him.
“In any case,” Mr Rwabwogo said, “it’s not the ownership of the company that matters but the quality of the work.”

If Ugandans fail to see the man God has put clearly out to salvage the failed state, then we can as well wait till Jesus comes back.

It is true that the Late Dr. Obote made big mistakes in Uganda politics, however, we ought to greatly blame those who mis-advised the Kabaka of Buganda to take on the office of President of the country. Secondly, the move to kick off the central Government from Buganda land was a miscalculation. If those in the office like Mayanja Nkangi had better vision, the motion they would have passed in Parliament would have been to have Kabaka back to cultural roles. From the love relationship between some Baganda with President Museveni and his administration, it is quite clear that those people had they been with Obote that time, they would have sided with him. The eventual removal of the kings and the institution of the kingdom has affected us, but can you imagine that even after Baganda helping Museveni to wage his 5 year bush war on Buganda land and the people who died due to that cause, to-date 25 years down the road, the Kabaka of Buganda is not living in his official residence simply because the central government took over the official house of Buganda Prime Minister (Katikiiro). The central Government had a plan made for a replacement for the Katikiiro and to - date the residence has not been built as the central government decided to use the official residence for government business. As if that is not enough, the central government deliberately decided to punish Buganda kingdom by not paying what is due to the Kingdom in rents which money among other things would help the Buganda Government to finance a number of projects to get the people in Buganda out of poverty including paying fees for many who are unable mainly because of President Museveni Government ill advised policies.
We had coffee money to the coffee growers, today the coffee people are yawning, The railway transport is just killed,
We were able to go to the best schools from Government schools which are under UPE and children are simply failures,
The economy was running well infact it is Museveni's wish to be President of Uganda through waging wars and eventually insisting that he is the best brain to see the country move on that has grounded the country.

The fact is that a few people were directly inconvenienced when Obote removed the Kingdoms, but with the wish to rule the country up to when Jesus comes back as the resources including donor aid is eaten, Uganda has all people affected by the Museveni Government policies and the fruits of corruption will be paid for by a number of generations to come.
I therefore wish to appeal to my good Baganda tribes men to re-think their strategy as regards voting for the man with the ability to take us a step further and the best option; that is Dr. Olara Otunnu. The blame of Obote on Otunnu will not yield dividends for Baganda or even Uganda. The harm President Museveni has done to Uganda makes many of us to believe that we should have been patient with the Obote regime somehow, the country would not be a big mess it is today.


1. He is the Chief Architect of Decentralization which came in as a 'substitute by the NRM Government' for federo; where at least 65% of the people of Uganda approached responded positively as being the ideal local governance they cherished;
2. He was party to President Museveni's campaigns where rigging is believed to have been a normal practice;
3. He imparted into Ugandan voters the fear prior to the 2001 general Elections that if they did not vote Museveni, whoever had assets was not sure of what would happen to those assets thereafter;
4. He deceived Ugandans that in 2001, Museveni was standing for the last term as if he surely knew the man! Up to 2011, the man who was supposed to have long retired is still around!;
5. He is telling Ugandans that he is a clean man, yet it is almost impossible to be clean in a regime that has constantly deceived Ugandans. One thing is said today and tomorrow it is another story. He is collectively responsible for cabinet decisions made during the time he was minister in Government.

He is simply too ambitious, cannot take advice, he is Mr. I know it all and his strategies would definitely 'crash' the country. He seems not to respect advice from elderly people and he is party to quick solutions to problems that require time in dialogue which has promoted divisions in the Democratic Party.

1. He is dying to be President of Uganda not knowing that the opportunity he had in 2001 can not be open all the time. Children don't need to sit exams 100 times to pass them;
2. For the 14 or so years he was in Kaguta's Government, he was party to the entrenchment of the man who now seems to be a big problem as he is not ready to accept that he is tired an not an asset any more to the country, which efforts are even slowly but steadily eroding the good he ever made for the country;
3. It is alleged that he has a square mile of land on Buganda's land. If this allegation is true, Besigye should have made some effort to see people who are land less get part of this land he is alleged to own;
4. Recently, the Bukedde paper published a photo of his 'Rwakitura', instead of helping the unemployed youth, he is busy enriching himself with resources that come his way. He thinks that he is supposed to help the people when he is elected to office of President not before that;
5. Besigye seems to have personal scores to sort with President Museveni which Ugandans are not party to. he should see how best to solve them without involving us;
6. of the Doctors we have in Uganda, Besigye is a rich man. His starting point was to have been ambushed by the NRM revolution which he joined got high in its ranks and at retirement, he bid poverty bye bye. This does not get us off the track to see him as a beneficiary of the revolution which he has come so late to realise its mistakes having earned from it;
7. If Besigye was not a dictator by design, he would have seen that Dr. Olara Otunnu had the best credentials hence credibility to be President of IPC; instead he wanted the man to be below him which is unfortunate;
8. Dr. Kawanga Semogerere gave way to Besigye to contest for President as a joint candidate in 2001, but this time Besigye still sees himself as the man who should take Uganda a head yet he does not have what it takes to give the country new direction that is why he keeps shifting positions in his rallies so that 'miraculously' he can take more people on board.

1. Kamya all along has been NRM, so it is a big risk, she also just changed heart;
2. It may be a big risk in a country that has a history of overthrowing Governments to risk at this time a lady President;
3. She is a smart schemer on a federo ticket but federo is not a sum of Uganda's problems, because when it is badly handled, the can just increase;
4. Kamya is simply on a big gamble with question marks regarding how she was able to get funding for her micro finance, which points to possible insider dealings with NRM;
5. Kamya seems not ready to blame President Museveni for his mistakes. She seems to keep shifting this blame to other parties.


Those who continue to vote the Movement are LOST SINNERS and they will not survive God's punishment: HELL. Some of he sins which the NRM has committed to the people of Uganda are outlined below. What to do then to reverse this situation? The answer is: VOTE Ambassador (Dr). Olara Otunnu; the man who is not stained and who has the ability to turn the country around as the Pearl of Africa. When you vote wisely, the final resul of the vote should be as follows: 52% for Ambassador (Dr) Olara Otunnu.
Those to vote for Dr Otunnu should include all those who have vision for a Uganda worth to be seen as a real Pearl of Africa.

Dr. Olara Otunnu the man who has the ability to take Uganda to the Promise Land. When you Vote him you will not go to hell.

Those who may give President Museveni 20% which should be the rightful vote in the forthcoming election are:
i) Those who keep claiming that they fought and use that to abuse office and the rights of the people of Uganda;
ii) Those who believe that if Museveni is not voted, he will keep distablizing the establishment and as such would rather keep with him;
iii) Relatives and some good percentage from the Western side of Uganda who think that it is their right to keep in Government and that Government should have Museveni as president;
iv) Beneficiaries of financial inducements/handouts and other favours including political constituencies like new districts;
v) The ignorant lot and those absolutely poor who will part with a vote in exchange of a favour say shs 5,000 or so which the NRM has had the history to dish out to 'buy' the voters.



Will a Loving God Punish Lost Sinners?


To answer the above question, we should appeal to the BIBLE, GOD'S holy word.
First, who are sinners? They are people who have sinned by coming short of the glory of GOD. Sin is an English word that translates a word from the original language of the Bible, which means "missing the mark." In other words, all humans have missed the mark of PERFECT EXCELLENCE, or "the glory of God." Romans 3:23 states this truth.
The reason we sin is because we are sinners. It is stated in Psalms 51:5 "Behold, I was shapen in iniquity and in sin did my mother conceive me." A rooster does not have to crow once or even twice to become a rooster. He crows because he is a rooster. We do not have to sin to become sinners. We sin because we are sinners.
GOD says, in Romans 6:23, that "the wages (or pay-off) of sin is death." This means eternal separation from GOD, not just physical death. Physical death is a divine appointment for all mankind. (Hebrews 9:27 "And as it is appointed unto men once to die, and after this the judgment.") However, death in hell will mean soul and body in a place of eternal pain and punishment (Matthew 10:28, 25:46). God does not want you to go to hell... it was not prepared for you, but for the devil (Satan) and his angels. (Matthew 25:41 "Then shall He say also unto them on the left hand, 'Depart from me, ye cursed, unto everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angles.'")
Jesus Christ, the Son of GOD, died on a tree with the sins of all mankind on Him. Peter, an apostle of the Lord, said "Who His ownself bore our sins in His own body on the tree" (I Peter 2:24). John the apostle said "He is the propitiation (or MERCY SEAT) for our sins; and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world" (I John 2:2).
Please notice that Paul the apostle said to both Jews and Gentiles, "Christ died for the ungodly" (ungodly meaning ALL who are not perfectly GOD-like) Romans 5:6. Can you now confess, in all truth and honesty, that you are a sinner and ungodly and need GOD's salvation?

Jesus said in Luke 19:10 that He (the Son of man) "is come to seek and to save that which was lost." Being lost means we are separated from GOD. One day, a little boy was sobbing mournfully in a department store because he was separated from his mother. He was lost. Some clerks in the store came to his rescue and soon located his mother. She had been very distressed that the boy was lost. So much so was God grieved that He spared not HIS own Son to become a sacrifice for our sins (see Romans 8:32 "He that spared not His own Son, but delivered Him up for us all, how shall He not with Him also freely give us all things?"). GOD demands that sin be judged. Jesus, the Son of GOD was the only person who could qualify to be the sacrifice for the punishment of our sins. (Hebrews 2:9 "But we see Jesus, who was made a little lower than the angels for the suffering of death, crowned with glory and honor; that He, by the grace of GOD, should taste death for every man.") He "died for our sins according to the Scriptures; and that He was buried, and that He rose again the third day, according to the Scriptures" (I Corinthians 15:3-4).

Now to answer the title question in this little message. Yes, GOD will punish lost sinners who die without Jesus Christ as their Savior. Consider Psalm 9:17 "The wicked shall be turned into hell and all the nations that forget GOD." Not because they are sinners, but because they have rejected GOD's own Son to be their Savior. (See II Thessalonians 2:10-12 "And with all deceivableness of unrighteousness in them that perish; because they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved. And for this cause GOD shall send them strong delusion, that they should believe a lie: That they all might be damned who believed not the truth, but had pleasure in unrighteousness.") Jesus was punished horribly for sinners. He paid the debt and ransom with His precious blood. (See Ephesians 1:7 "In whom we have redemption through His blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of His grace"; I Peter 1:18-19 "Forasmuch as you know that you were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, from your vain conversation received by tradition from your fathers; but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without spot or blemish"; II Peter 2:1-3 "But there were false prophets, also among the people, even as there shall be false teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves swift destruction. And many shall follow their pernicious ways; be reason of whom the way of truth shall be evil spoken of. And through covetousness shall they, with feigned words, make merchandise of you; whose judgment now of a long time lingers not and their damnation slumbers not.")
One question remains: How can I be saved from the wrath to come? (See I Thessalonians 1:10 "And to wait for the Son from heaven, whom He raised from the dead, even Jesus, which delivered us from the wrath to come" and Revelations 6:15-17 "And the kings of the earth, and the great men, the rich men, the chief captains, the mighty men, and every bondsman and every freeman hid themselves in the dens and in the rocks and mountains; and said to the mountains and rocks, "Fall on us and hide us from the face of Him that sitteth on the throne and from the wrath of the Lamb; for the great day of His wrath is come and who shall be able to stand?") Please carefully consider the four (4) things listed below!
1. REALIZE THAT YOU ARE LOST (Isaiah 59:1-2; Romans 3:10-12, 19, 23; Romans 6:23)
2. REPENT (meaning change your mind about yourself and your sins) (Mark 1:15; Luke 13:3 & 5; Acts 17:30, 20:21; Romans 2:4; II Corinthians 7:10)
3. RECEIVE THE WORD OF GOD (James 1:18, 21; I Peter 1:23; John 12:48)
4. RELY ONLY ON THE LORD JESUS (rely meaning to believe, trust or exercise faith in, commit yourself to the Lord Jesus) (John 3:14-18, 36; John 5:24, 6:47; Romans 10:9-13; Ephesians 2:8-10)
Seek the help and guidance of some Christian if the message of this little tract is not clear to your mind. Praying this will be used of GOD to direct you to the only Savior of sinners, the Lord Jesus Christ, I remain respectfully yours -


Though President Museveni is to contest the forth coming Presidential Elections, according to me and most Ugandans, had it not been that he used numbers, Parliament would not have endorsed the Open Presidential Term, and given opportunity to take the day in the forthcoming elections, our first mission would to re- instate the maximum two terms for any President however good he may be. Other reasons why he should go though should have long gone are:
If the opposition unites to see candidate Yoweri Museveni go after the forthcoming General Election, no Museveni gods may fail his exist. The reasons why they want him to go are among others:-
Issues specific to regions:

1) The Odoki Commission reported that over 60% Ugandans who responded to the type of Governance wanted a Federo system. President Museveni’s leadership instead opted for decentralisation which has not delivered what people want. Any pleas to have federo as a local government arrangement are simply ignored and alternative systems proposed.

2) Pressure on Buganda – In the past, there was near to balanced regional growth. Since the NRM got power, pressure has mounted on Buganda and Baganda have been made insecure as land is not readily available and very expensive. Yet those from other areas are dictating terms for Baganda in an attempt to safeguard investments made in Buganda.

Kabaka Mutebi on two occasions has been barred by the central government to visit his people!
3) The refusal by the central government on two occasions to allow Kabaka Mutebi to visit areas within Buganda; an unfortunate development which is no credit to the central government.
It was illegal blocking Kabaka to travel within Uganda
ARTICLE 29: Protection of freedom of conscience, expression, movement, religion, assembly and association.(1) Every person shall have the right to —
(a) Freedom of speech and expression which shall include freedom of the press and other media;
(b) Freedom of thought, conscience and belief which shall include academic freedom in institutions of learning;
(c) freedom to practise any religion and manifest such practice which shall include the right to belong to and participate in the practices of any religious body or organisation in a manner consistent with this Constitution; (d) freedom to assemble and to demonstrate together with others peacefully and unarmed and to petition; and
(e) Freedom of association which shall include the freedom to form and join associations or unions, including trade unions and political and other civic organisations.
(2) Every Ugandan shall have the right— (a) to move freely throughout Uganda and to reside and settle in any part of Uganda; (b) to enter, leave and return to, Uganda; and (c) to a passport or other travel document.
OK! How do we reconcile these provisions, specifically, Article 29 (2)(a) with the recent blocking of Kabaka Ronald Mutebi’s visit to Kayunga?

September 11, 2010 will be a complete 12 months since the NRM Government closed CBS FM which was earning about shs 1bn a month and employing over 100 staff!
4) The closure of CBS FM for a period over 8months now (in June 2010) as riots took off when people responded to the central governments’ action of blocking Kabaka Mutebi’s visit to Kayunga.

5) The reluctance by the central government to pay rent dues in time for Buganda properties rented; which is seen as a deliberate effort to cripple Buganda Government.

General issues/observations:
1) President Museveni came on a ticket of 4 years, however, after implementation of extension schemes, he still wants another 5 years after the expiry of 25 years at head of Government!;
2) Through President Museveni’s influence as the major beneficiary, the 1995 Constitution of Uganda was revised and the 2 term limits were removed against the background that the reason for a maximum of 2 terms was against the bad history the country had gone through, and this amendment is opportunity to see the bad history become a reality again.
"Four opposition parties: Forum for Democratic Change, Uganda Peoples’ Congress, Jeema and Conservative Party under the Inter Party Coalition (IPC) are planning to table before Parliament new constitutional amendments on Tuesday May 11.

Among the amendments is a proposal to have two presidential term limits restored; disbanding of the current Electoral Commission and the removal of the army from Parliament.
While addressing the media at Parliament, the acting Leader of Opposition, Kassiano Wadri said that the opposition agrees that the amendments are important especially as the 2011 general elections approach.
Wadri says if the ruling National Resistance Movement government throws out their proposals in Parliament, they will not hesitate to take the matter to the Constitutional court for interpretation."
3) Governments’ intention to pay a salary to Chairmen of LC1 is yet another ‘innovation’ to impoverish the tax payer the more. LC1 chairpersons are supposed to do voluntary work, those who cannot afford should opt out;
4) President Museveni dropped the Late Dr. Samson Kisekka from Government in a very humiliating way;

5) The budget speech of 2003/04 under Article 43: Public Administration it is stated that, “Expenditure on public Administration has continued to be a burden on the budget, crowding out spending on other critical priority programmes. Currently, expenditure on the sector is second only to Education, with an allocation of 17.7% of the Government budget. There is need to reduce the cost of Public administration, so that resources can be freed for use in other productive areas such as infrastructure and strategic exports. In March this year, H.E. the President approved most of the recommendations in a study that he commissioned on the subject, in march 2002.” Unfortunately, looks like this position has since not been taken seriously by Government as public expenditure is simply on the increase and more so, politically motivated;
6) The Auditor General reported that the Consolidated Fund had been overdrawn in billions; this in one instance as at 30.6/1999; the balance was shs 776,236,548,778. The Consolidated fund should however have a credit balance;
7) What are the names of the UPDF soldiers who died in DRC? “Thousands of Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) soldiers have died in the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), rebel leader Prof. Ernst Wamba dia Wamba has said. In an open letter to the people of Uganda,” a copy of which the Monitor saw, Wamba, the President of the Uganda backed RCD – Kisangani rebel group said that since 1996, “Uganda has lost thousands of soldiers so that the Congo may come out of the current crisis.”
8) Government has looked on as people have encroached on forest cover which development has serious implications for the climate of the country and given that it is an agriculturally based country;

Damian Akankwasa
"THE IGG has recommended the immediate sacking and prosecution of the suspended National Forestry Authority (NFA) boss, Damian Akankwasa, over the sh900m saga. The IGG made the recommendation in a report on claims by Akankwasa that his wife, Juliet Katusiime, stole the sh900m he kept in their bedroom last year.
The IGG accused Akankwasa of abuse of office, failure to declare all his wealth and causing a financial loss of over sh2.8b to NFA through suspicious deals. The IGG suspects the sh900m could have come from such deals.
In a May 7 letter to the water and environment minister, Maria Mutagamba, the IGG said Akankwasa made arbitrary decisions disregarding formal procedures."
9) The new law, “Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions’ Act” is alleged to have the intention of getting back the President as the appointing authority for Vice – Chancellors of public universities;
10) Government has not done much to see that Uganda benefits in International trade in genetic resources, often referred to as bio-trade which involves high economic stakes today. The sale of drugs based on traditional medicines alone amounts to over US $ 32bn (IK Notes – A World Bank publication);
11) Talk about corruption. Even AIDS patients have not been spared! The portfolio of Global Fund Grants to Uganda was worth US $ 367m including two grants to combat HIV/AIDS; two grants targeting Malaria and one of Tuberculosis. By the time of the suspension on August 24, 2005 only US$ 45m had been released of which it is believed about US $ 280,000 was fraudulently siphoned off!
12) While the population has kept on growing, the number of criminals has equally kept increasing, but Government has not had plans implemented to increase the number of prisons, later on have worthy conditions for living by inmates;
13) Though the President boosts of an army which is professional, it is not clear why this army has failed to capture Joseph Kony who is at the core of terrorist activities in Uganda and now outside Uganda’s borders.
"“Arrest warrants issued in 2005 by the ICC for Joseph Kony and four Lord’s Resistance Army commanders remained in force, but were not implemented by Uganda and other regional governments,” Amnesty International stated in its latest report.
Kony’s commanders, who were indicted with him for atrocities during the northern Ugandan war, include Dominic Ongwen, Okot Odhiambo, Vincent Otti and Raska Lukwiya. Lukwiya has since been confirmed dead and Otti is also said to be dead.
Uganda is a member of the ICC and is, therefore, obliged to arrest and surrender anyone named in an arrest warrant."
14) Though NRM tries to show that it is a civilian Government, the truth is that it is based on military; hence remains a threat to potential alternative President material;
15) The 1987 currency exchange took away part of people’s earnings the 30% and the currency since then has kept on depreciating such that many things cost an average of 20 times the cost at exchange; yet earnings have not been boosted accordingly;
16) The Bush men were appointed into positions to manage public enterprises, and you can be sure that the wish to pay them selves for the contribution in the 5 year war of liberation and lack of managerial skills contributed to poor performance of most of them such that on privatization, the tax payer had still to shoulder a big burden yet even many of the beneficiaries were not able to see these enterprises run and as to whether all have paid up is not clear a position.
17) The liberators contributed to a huge non – performing loan portfolio in the then Uganda Commercial bank and one of the options was to sale off the bank. The way the sale was handled disturbed many Ugandans who would have preferred to have shares in the bank and see it remain as the people’s own bank;
18) The class normally called “the nurtured middle class” a creation by President Museveni’s Government is a cause of concern by many who see a favoured few benefit from tax resources and donor funds to have their undertakings move on;
19) The killing of the Cooperative bank and the Cooperative Movement. The liberation war saw many vehicles of the Cooperatives used by the liberators, this slowly but steadily contributed to the weakening of the cooperatives. The borrowing of money from the Cooperative bank to help finance part of the liberation efforts at least shs 14bn is believed to have been got from the bank by NRA and was not paid back;
20) Poor and ill advised policies have abetted poverty in the country. What matters is policies to see the Government remain in leadership of the country at the expense of people’s welfare;
21) The unemployment levels of the youth are simply a scandal. While many in higher institutions are helped by relatives outside the country who have gone for greener pastures and a number are having bursaries by institutions, the Government has failed to be focused to see enhancement of employment opportunities for the youth. This is also against the background where vocational training is anon starter in schools such that students leave without employable skills for own job creation.
22) “Legalized corruption” is simply unacceptable. It is the order of the day in Uganda! Where Government has failed to pay a living wage, people have resorted to use corruption to make ends meet;
"President Museveni has said that while corruption leads to wastage of public resources, it also has a good side to it.
Speaking in Masindi last week, Museveni virtually defended corrupt civil servants and politicians, saying they also greatly contribute to national development by investing in the country money they swindle from public coffers. By thus investing, the President said, the thieves build the national economy.
The President was presiding over the passing out of 238 Police officers who had completed a three-month operational commanders’ course at the Kabalye-based Police Training School. The graduands included 46 officers from Sudan.
The opposition and donors have often criticised the Museveni government over what they see as lack of political will to fight corruption. The donors in particular have cited the misuse of money meant for the 2007 Commonwealth summit (CHOGM), and the Global Fund, among others, to make their point."

MPs probing the Commonwealth summit expenditure have unearthed numerous irregularities in the awarding of the sh2.4b media and publicity contract.
The contract was awarded to Saatchi and Saatchi and Terp Group during the preparations to host the summit in 2007.
MPs on the public accounts committee yesterday discovered that out of the 17 companies that submitted their bids, 16 were disqualified because they allegedly had no trading licence, bid submission, certificate of registration, VAT registration or income tax clearance.
They also discovered that although the evaluation committee had recommended the contract price of sh1.8b, the contract committee revised the cost to sh2.4b after adding one item.
The MPs also discovered that the director of information at the time, Kagole Kivumbi, was the head of the user department, the chairman of the evaluation committee and the chairman of the negotiation committee.
The MPs asked Kivumbi and the principal procurement officer, Margaret Meke, to explain how established companies such as Vision Group, Picfare, Sameer and the Uganda Publishing and Printing Corporation, could be disqualified on grounds of lack of trading licences.
23) It is sad for the President to keep looking down on donors who are actually helping to fund not only over 30% of the national budget but are also involved in a number of activities as NGOs in boosting the welfare of Ugandans;
"Museveni says Africa needs help in areas of energy, roads and railway construction as well as in the education and health sectors but not political help. He says he does not need any foreign advice in organizing elections, an area that the development partners have concentrated on in the recent past, with calls for major electoral reforms. The President insists that he does not lecture on issues on which he considers himself an expert, urging them to divert their help to where it is needed."
"It is not authenticated but a report purported to be by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to the American Congress on the 2011 Uganda elections could have serious implications.
The report is the first in a series that the US Congress, in an unprecedented move, asked Clinton to write after every 30 days regarding the government of Uganda actions on the 2011 elections.
Congress’s directive was interpreted as a sign that the US is taking a hawkish view of the government of Uganda behavior and could take punitive action.
There is speculation that if the does not carry out reforms to ensure free and fair elections, the US may cut its aid to Uganda and also influence other development partners to follow suit.
The intention appears to be to nudge President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for 24 years and has won election mired by fraud and violence, to hold a clean election in 2011.
The MP for Busongora South, Christopher Kibanzanga, told a journalist: “The donors have the key; they pushed President Museveni to accept multi-partyism and when they called him over the Anti-homosexuality Bill, the President immediately changed his position. If the donors tell him to accept the electoral reforms we are pushing for as the opposition, there is no doubt he will accept them within days.”
24) The handling of the corrupt with kid gloves is simply unacceptable. By now there would be a collection account where the big thieves would deposit the loot recovered from them; what may have been done so far is a drop in the ocean given what has been siphoned off;

25) The continued big and would be uncalled for expenditure on the national army (UPDF), ever since 1986,the army has taken a big share of the national resources that would have helped development efforts elsewhere; this is so because of interventions at times in other people’s wars;
26) The President has continued to use rewards to favour his continued tenure in office, and this is wrong more so when tax resources are used;

27) For a poor country like Uganda, keeping the lifestyle of President Museveni is a big liability to the country’s resources. When you see the security detail when he is going out of the country and when he is coming back; talk about the cost of maintaining his motorcade, this is all a big burden to the tax payer;

President Museveni's shs 82bn jet
The President is too expensive for a begging economy like Uganda
President Museveni’s special jet that has cost taxpayers Shs88.2 billion .

The Gulfstream V was flown into the country last month.
The Weekly Observer has obtained a photograph of the new jet No. N908GA 52008 taken on January 14, this year when it was returning from a pre delivery flight at Long Beach Airport in California.
After that flight, the new jet was released to the buyer who is the Ugandan Government.
The President’s Press Secretary, Joseph Tamale Mirundi, confirmed the arrival of the jet in a telephone interview Tuesday morning.
The jet was purchased late last year to replace a Gulfstream IV which was bought at Shs60 billion in 2000. The State House Comptroller, Richard Muhinda, informed a parliamentary committee on presidential affairs that the old jet would be sold at about Shs40 billion.
The planned purchase of another jet became public information in December 2007 when Muhinda and the President’s chief pilot, Maj. Gen. Ali Kiiza, briefed the presidential affairs committee on the state of the old presidential jet.
Opposition MPs protested against spending such as huge amount of money while the old plane was still functioning properly. But the President’s team argued that the new plane would consume less fuel and would be cheaper to repair.
When Museveni came to power in 1986, he often spoke out against African leaders of poor countries who like to ride in presidential jets yet their citizens are infested with jiggers.

28) While the 5 year bush war had much to do with getting UPC Government out of power due to a stolen victory, many in NRM circles have been convicted in courts of law for the role played in electoral malpractices which clearly shows that Government has no good will to see this problem sorted out completely more so when it’s NRM candidate favoured;

29) The continued expansion of the unproductive administrative infrastructure frustrates any would be development efforts. A number of Presidential advisers are supposed to be retired civil servants on whom Government is spending billions that you be saved for more worthy national development projects;
Development partners share the concern of Uganda’s civil society and media about the increasingly high levels of spending on government’s administrative structures. These are resources that could otherwise be invested in infrastructure, basic education, health care, and clean drinking water for the poor.
The sharp increase in the number of districts in recent years (and continued plans for new ones)diverts both human and financial resources from existing districts and undermines the capacity of local governments to effectively deliver services. Starting at 36 districts, 80 districts last year, and now 91 districts: who can make a serious case that this expansion of the number of districts is good for service delivery?” the World Bank Uganda Country Manager Kundhavi Kadiresan said at the National Budget Workshop by the Ministry of Finance, February 25-26, 2010.
Despite the donors’ rage about Uganda’s high public expenditure, President Museveni has created 14 new districts, bringing the number to 111. The number is projected to reach 120 by 2011.
In a 2009 paper, titled “The cost of public administration,” ACODE, a local think tank, says the “oversize cabinet and the growing bureaucracy built around the Office of the President” and the growing number of districts are the main threat to Uganda’s governance, efforts to eradicate poverty, and the achievement economic transformation."
"The argument that the creation of new districts is a matter for government policy and decision-makers is not contested. However, when the government comes out to say that the reasons they are creating new districts is because ‘the people’ want it, it becomes another matter. According to the state minister for local government, Ahabwe Pereza, it is government policy that every district should have a hospital. He also points out that the President, in his state of the nation address, said every district should have a road unit. Pereza also says Makerere University entry district slots are one of the factors that are fuelling the urge for districts. “When you are in Kabale, a district hospital is in Kabale, a person in Kanungu will therefore look at the policy and say but if we had our own district, it would be mandatory that we would have our own hospital,” he told The Independent. “You get the arguments,” he continued, “they are real because these have to do with access to national resources in terms of facilitations.”
30) President Museveni’s Government is witnessing a terrible scandal as cheating in national examinations is real. The private sector competition has led to the growth of cheating to see the schools that have bigger and better passes retain and or get big numbers, hence generate good income and profits.
Refer to The New Vision, Wednesday, January 20, 2010: Over 1,400 results cancelled, "A total of 1,449 pupils will not receive their PLE results following their cancellation by Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB). Seventy three schools had their results cancelled due to malpractices such as impersonation, external assistance, substitution, collusion and smuggling unauthorised material into the examination room. Commenting on the issue, Education Minister Geraldine Namirembe Bitamazire said: "Examination malpractice must be eliminated at whatever cost. We cannot let it continue. In 2001; 12,000 pupils had their results cancelled. The vice is coming back."

31) The health sub – sector is simply pathetic, hence the boom of private practitioners. While the population has continued to grow, Government is ill prepared to help the poor get appropriate medical services. The poor incentives to the medical staff don’t make the situation better;
32) While free primary and secondary education would have been a welcome innovation, the intervention by the President to see that parents don’t pay may be conceived to mean that he actually wants the children of the poor to go no where. It is true that in some instances even the about 1,200/- each primary child is expected to get a term is in some cases not delivered, yet the schools have to go on. It is true that a number of well placed people today went through Government schools and the instruction was good;

33) There is no executive who is not caught up by diminishing returns, whatever President Museveni may wish to do for country, the truth is that diminishing returns caught up with him long ago, the best is to retire;
34) The way President Museveni’s Government unfairly treats some of the Presidential opponents is not a vote winner for the President; for him, it is a right to contest!
35) The way the gap between the rich and the poor has widened where many of the beneficiaries of the status quo are well connected to the NRM is bad for the President;

36) The way donor funds are handled according to reports show corruption at play which leads to poor workmanship and less benefit to the Uganda population;
37) The Presidents’ pledges are a big burden to the tax payer;
38) Tax rates lack a human face; among these Vat at 17% is very high; the tax on fuel makes all transactions with fuel consumption abnormally expensive to the final consumer and this leads to local industries being uncompetitive;
39) During President Museveni’s time, the burning of schools has almost become a design more so with focus on dormitories; and in most instances when the children/students are out. Government has not come out clearly over these criminals who seem to be good schemers, yet the loss by the parents, students/children and affected schools is great;
40) The burning of markets is equally affecting or has affected traders of different capacities including the market vendors, the dealers in timber products to mention a few. It is not clear whether the criminals are after impoverishing the business persons more so when majority of them have bank loans. In this case, Government has not come out clearly to see a stop to this madness and prosecution of culprits;
41) It is common experience that poisoned alcoholic drinks are the order of the day. Government seem to take this lightly and putting measures on some of the drinks when it is clear that this is a direct result of competition in the industry where some players are after getting their competitors out of business. We risk to see a situation where this may go to any other consumer goods;
42) Government promised Export Promotion Zones (EPZ), but these are yet to be seen more so the one at Entebbe Airport or there about;
43) Government growth figures are in dispute. Those given to the donors seem focused on painting a good picture that things are fine;
44) The pensioners are a yawning lot. People age on but pension still remains a problem. You only need to meet a disgusted pensioner to appreciate the situation;
45) The revenue collections are reported to be increasing. The problem is that the money is mostly put to consumption. Praises should be made when this money is made to generate more wealth hence help the high unemployment as well as the poverty countrywide;
46) Electric power remains erratic in a number of places. If you are relying on power by Umeme, it no news to see power on and off and at times a number of times a day; yet it is not unusual to have it off without notice;
47) The promoting of SACCOs that are politically motivated cannot be compared to the cooperatives that were designed against specific production potential/service delivery where they were established;
48) While agriculture remains the mainstay of the Uganda economy, government has failed to see the sector attract agricultural producers to harness it. Many are instead living land and looking for opportunities elsewhere which are paying;
49) Government in most instances has not followed the budgets as planned and read, hence making budgets is like a routine while following them to implementation within their timeframe is not that emphasized;
50) As President Museveni remains in power, it is clear that many in the population are having near to one meal a day or just one meal. This is because of hardships that policy has created during his tenure; and for balanced diet, it is a luxury as many cannot afford it;
51) It surprises how the matters that would be solved by established institutions are referred to the President for solution;
52) President Museveni has presided over the collapse of Uganda Railways which used to help in cheap transportation of goods from various regions of the country;
53) Government has shown much concern about the bus transportation. The problem partly is due to a relation believed to be enjoyed between Government and UTODA;
54) A number of people have lost value and lives where Government would have done appropriate compensation; in a number of developments this has not been the case;
55) It is unfortunate that after suspending the Graduated tax in 2005/06 Financial year and compensating it with increased tax on consumer goods including sugar; Government went institute Local Service Tax as a substitute yet when it had already levied a tax on consumer goods to bridge the gap;
56) Before NRM Government got to office, there was no tax on Government (Government paying tax), it is not clear why this tax is in place as it is increased burden to Government;
57) Government has not been concerned about the shs 2,000 charged by Commercial banks on school fees deposits. It looks like it is a tax of sorts. It is abnormal for the one depositing to be charged what is supposed to be met by the account holder;
58) Government policies are responsible for the continued boom of used clothes in a country that can grow enough cotton for own clothes and export;

59) The AGOA initiative has simply been a lost opportunity for no good reason not forgetting the input into the Bugolobi plant and its management;
60) Yes, President Museveni, like anybody who stays long in a place, many people long to see a replacement that may do things differently, this category of voters wants to see change and are hopeful that change will a reality this time.
61) Government is very disaster unprepared. This starts with the budget which is small given the expected disasters. Government has not done enough to enforce building standards and hence a number of buildings can be a disaster anytime. Fire fighting equipment are just expected and hopefully they will be functional; but again in a number of places due to no planning, if fire breaks out it may be impossible to extinguish it.
Kampala (Uganda) — The death toll from the landslides that struck Bududa district on Tuesday leaving hundreds of people dead or missing brings to question the effectiveness of country's early warning and response systems. As the country mourns, this tragedy should be a lesson especially to the political leadership. They must re-evaluate the country's capacity to respond to disasters such as landslides and floods that are likely to be part of us for a foreseeable period as the effects of climate change take their toll.
The death toll from the Bududa disaster would have been avoided if the Government and district officials had implemented 1997 plan to resettle the Mt. Elgon forest reserve encroachers.
William Kituuka


I had resigned over the issue of Presidency on seeing the it looked like a big game yet meaning a lot for the future of Ugandans to the extent that in coming 5 years the country can collapse completely given the projection for those who care about the country at all, not forgetting that there are some who want to eat it and see it completely collapsed and these can go with their loot! Surely, for President Museveni to be President for another 5 years is too much for me as one who has concerns for the country hence the reason why i wish to appeal to the citizens of Uganda and voters to do the needful so that we can see sanity return to the way public affairs can be run. We have in Government people who don't take any shame however shameful an act they do. We have people who see the country as a garden where they have to reap and constantly tell us that we did not fight. They went to the bush and now we can surely see the agenda which took them to the bush. They saw it as the means to have access to national resources as the majority are impoverished on. The pretence that they can do any more good given the bad inflicted so far to the people of Uganda can only be bought by those friends of ours who subscribe to lies and can not learn as well as those who are constantly looting the country as majority look on helplessly. Ugandans have to come up with a credible candidate who can meet the challange and is trustable. We are witnessing would be credible people switching to the NRM and you can not be convinced that they are not responding to some promises. For how long can we see our coutry go down the drain because some people threaten us with the military which military is paid for using tax payer resources? i was shocked to read a publication where people taking fish for export had to use the Nairobi airport simply because fuel is expensive making them lose money if they get cargo on plane at Entebbe. Surely can you sit in State House when your policies are making business uncompetitive? Why did Ugandans instead lose money in the AGOA deal which looks to have been in favour of some few. We will be cursed by our children if we cannot see facts and simply leave our country go to waste.
Dr. Otunnu can help the country get back to the road to development and have people meaningfully earn money instead of having to go to banks and always be burdened by those bank loans when they can make meaningful savings out of agricultural and other enterprises in a vibrant economic situation.
Let us vote wisely this time, we have the chance and the man to vote is Ambassador (Dr) Olara Otunnu.
William Kituuka Kiwanuka

Olara Otunnu is a compassionate advocate for children around the globe, especially children exposed to war and civil strife. Former UN Representative, and recipient of many prestigious awards and prizes, Otunnu is on a mission to save the lives and precious futures of the vulnerable children of the world - because children represent the future of us all...

"One of the most cynical features of today's warfare is the way with which adults are using children to be the channel for their own hate and passion."


by Rebecca Miller

Olara Otunnu and child

Olara Otunnu was born in northern Uganda in a time when children went to school and had opportunities for a normal, rewarding life. Sadly, this is not the reality for most children in his home region today; nor is it the reality for far too many children around the world. Otunnu has devoted his life to championing their basic rights.
Otunnu had the opportunity of going to high school, college, and then university in Kampala, Uganda. Intelligent and eager to make a difference in the world, he earned an Oxford University Overseas Scholar followed by a Fulbright Scholarship to Harvard Law School. Afterwards, he practiced law in New York before becoming an Assistant Professor of Law at Albany Law School.

Otunnu and children from Afghanistan

Otunnu was a student activist during his university years as president of the student's union, when Edi Amin had a terrible grip on his unfortunate subjects. After earning his degrees, Otunnu worked as a lawyer as well as a skilled diplomat; his awareness of the bleak plight of the children in his beloved Uganda compelled him to devote his life to improving their lives. When offered the position of United Nations under-secretary general and special representative for children and armed conflict, it was a perfect fit. He fulfilled this position from 1997 to 2005.
Under his passionate and charismatic leadership, the United Nations crafted a comprehensive system of rules, called Resolution 1612 of 26 July 2005, in which an international monitoring and reporting system was established. The system "documents abuses against children, seeks to identify and publicly list offending parties responsible for abusing and brutalizing children, and seeks to bring these offenders into compliance with international laws and standards, including through the imposition of sanctions."

Olara Otunnu speaking about the Rwanda Project

The widespread use of children in armed conflicts is a terrible trend that has spread across the globe. As Otunnu explains, it is seen
"from Colombia to Sierra Leone, from Sri Lanka to Sudan and Uganda, from Burma to Angola.
Compelled to become instruments of war, to kill and be killed, child soldiers are forced to give violent expression to the hatreds of adults.
It is not just the child combatants who are affected, but the girls who become 'wives,' the youngsters who have to cook for the troops, be messengers or spies."
Report to the United Nations by Olara Otunnu

Youth Ambassadors for Peace
Otunnu spoke at the World Council of Churches, February 2006, where he laid out the progress made in the United Nations regarding this seemingly intractable affliction. After tireless observation, research and planning, Otunnu may have cracked the conundrum of why this urgent problem has persisted for so long, with so little action taken. He broke the problem down into these active steps toward hope.

Campaign to protect children from the scourge of war

1. Developing concrete response and actions
2. Embarking on the ‘era of application’
3. Instituting a ‘naming and shaming’ list
4. Establishing a formal CAAC compliance regime
5. Simply put: Otunnu laid the groundwork by speaking out against the shame of treating children this way; he brought organizations together to take action; he decided how to assist government agencies to transform from talk to action (the most difficult step of all); the first concrete step was in publicly shining the spotlight on those who transgress; specific action plans and deadlines for ending the violations were implemented; in the event of noncompliance, the "Security Council will consider targeted measures against those parties and their leaders, such as travel restrictions and denial of visas, imposition of arms embargoes and bans on military assistance, and restriction on the flow of financial resources."

Otunnu and children in Columbia

Olara Otunnu has left an immensely important legacy during his United Nations sojourn - one that will save the lives and futures of thousands of children. Today, his work continues through the LBL Foundation, whose mission is to encourage investing in the education of children and youth, as the "most effective way to facilitate overall recovery and development in a war-torn society."
"Ensuring protection for our children and investing in their education and development is therefore among the most important and effective means for building durable peace and justice in society.
Written by Rebecca Miller
Last changed on: 8/11/2010 3:52:42 PM

Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF II) a loan of US$100m from the International Development Agency (IDA) to be used for a period of 5 years was approved by the Association of the Board of Directors of the World Bank on May 28, 2009 and by the Parliament of Uganda on September 25, 2009.
This loan designed to continue with the development effort for Northern Uganda after the conclusion of NUSAF I could easily be used by the NRM to induce votes for President Museveni. The people ought to be told the truth about this money.
NUSAF II has 3 components
1. The Livelihood Support Programme worth US$ 60m with two components:
i) Public works which is to cost US$20m. This will be given to able - bodied people who can do manual work.
ii) The US$40m to be given to people who are unable to do public works as the elderly and the handicapped.
2. The Community Infrastructure Development worth US$30m. The funds will support infrastructure like schools, health centres, and water.
3. Institutional Support worth US$im to be given to IGGto facilitate sesitization programme and the balance of US$9m to be retained by the Prime Ministers' Office to facilitate monitoring and other management functions.

When I was a child, I used to do things childish. When I grew up, I ceased the childish mentality. Unfortunately, the NRM Government does much of Government business childish. Imagine people have stolen money over 2 decades but Government has failed to come up with a solution to this great leakage. Continuous extensions of NRM and the changing of the Constitution to suit one person are all childish. Can you imagine at this point in time that someone proposes children going to school with cooked food? Failing to use donor funds for what they have been borrowed for as per the project proposals is childish management of Government affairs. Imagine giving a company a contract and Government is reluctant to see the monthly dues remitted, yet the contract is not terminated. This is all childish. Childishness has assumed a new dimension where Parliament without quorum is committing Ugandans to astronomical loans including the passing of the National Budget; yet the Speaker sees no wrong doing!

NRM Government can neither achieve the Mission nor Vision as set for Uganda by themselves.
The Vision:
The Vision of NRM is a peaceful, united, democratic, harmonious, industrialized, transformed and prosperous Uganda, within a strong, federated East Africa, the African Common Market and with an African Defense Pact.
1) How do you talk of a peaceful Uganda when the ideas of the people are just shunned? Government is forcing people to foot its selfish line, ignoring the people as the pillar on which government is based. Given this position, peace is simply fragile.
2) United – Government is practicing divide and rule, then how do you talk of united when they are interested in sub – dividing the country as much as possible?
3) Democratic – NRM is not democratic, if it were the position of the Chairman would be contested, but as we hear some one has gone to court because he was unjustly eliminated from contesting for the position. The President would have long left office, but he is using tricks to keep there. There is no democracy worth talking about when donors time and again just threaten to reduce aid for Government to try to foot a democratic path!
4) Harmonious – Government itself is behind the various movements by some people against others. Heard of the Banyala and Baganda, Government is interested in promoting bad co - existence between the two! This is the reason behind the 11th November 2009 riots in Buganda.
5) Industrialized – Uganda can industrialize basing on agriculture, yet government is just waiting for foreign investors to put money where they are interested. The factors that are responsible for industrial growth are mishandled, taxes are wrong, utility costs, name them.
6) The Government wants us in a strong federated east Africa, yet it is against the federal arrangement which people cherish locally!
The Mission of NRM is to transform Uganda from a poor peasant society into a modern, industrial, united and prosperous skilled working and middle class society
However, given things on ground; that is wrong priorities, out right theft of funds including donors’, the NRM Government is simply day dreaming to get the mission achieved. The best they can do is give way for others who have the will to correct the situation.
State House Debts Rise to Sh99 Billion
State House must be disciplined financially. It is unfortunate how every year there are arrears which have been met in the budget of the following year. Imagine a new Government struggling with the monetary indiscipline of the previous one. It is unfortunate that Government has rent arrears not paid to Buganda Government yet when they continue using Buganda Government premises. It may be necessary to remove the facility out of which the President makes donations, it looks misused and or abused and leads to uncalled for liabilities and political favours.
State House debts had risen to over sh100b by June 2009. The Ministry of Justice spent sh110b in compensation, court awards and settlements last financial year. The Police do not know the actual staff strength of its force. And sh371b loaned to state and private companies may never be recovered.
These are some of the findings in the new Auditor General's report on Government expenses in the financial year 2008/2009. The report was handed over to Parliament last week.
The Auditor General, John Muwanga, in his report noted that although the Government has instituted strict systems to control expenditure, State House has incurred huge debts as a result of the purchase of the new presidential jet.
The Bank of Uganda advanced a loan of sh96b to finance the acquisition of the aircraft. According to the agreement, the amount is payable in installments of about sh10b per year with interest.

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