Friday, May 7, 2010
The reasons Hon. Jaberi Bidandi Ssali gives for his party not joining the Inter Party Cooperation (IPC) are not convincing
Bidandi addressing the conference
On Thursday, 6 May 2010, Hon. Jaberi Bidandi Ssali gave his party’s position regarding joining the Inter Party Cooperation (IPC) a vehicle seen as the possible means to get President Museveni off the Presidential chair hence change the affairs of the country which currently is off the development road to the promised land. Bidandi Ssali compares the IPC to the Moshi Spirit which saw the elected leader Yusufu Kironde Lule (Prof) only 68 days in the office of President. Bidandi Ssali also talks about the arrangement defeating the multi – party dispensation. What Hon. Ssali fails to realize is that the current NRM arrangement is equally a failed model given the ideals that sold it and what the people see today. It is remembered that President Museveni initially wanted 4 years; this was prolonged and his tenure was due to end in 2006. It is surprising that he will still contest the 2011 after 25 years in leadership; though in his 2001 election manifesto he clearly stated that it was his last term. We the electorate learn lessons from this type of development, however, what we need to do is to make agreements that make sense to which Hon. Bidandi can contribute substantially. Indeed Uganda will not be the first country no the last to have such an arrangement. We need to forge a head, and Hon. Bidandi Ssali should see himself as the best qualified candidate if only he can get to the cooperation and also see that whatever is not well stated or organized in the agreement can be rectified more so it must all confirm to the Constitution of Uganda.
Hon. Bidandi Ssali was party to President Museveni’s Manifesto of 2001, and it was largely speculated that he was the potential Vice President; it is not clear how things changed. The cooperation can stand to gain from Hon. Bidandi Ssali given his influence having been Minister and architect of the decentralization which goes up to LC1. But it is equally true that Hon. Bidandi can have numbers if he joins the IPC as it looks like he better qualified given the circumstances. It will be unfortunate due to his party’s decision that the NRM gets another 5 years; yet when it would be possible to make gentlemen agreements that can stand time so that the regime gets out of office through the vote.
Bidandi refuses to join parties coalition
Thursday, 6th May, 2010
By Jude Kafuuma
THE People’s Progressive Party (PPP) president, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, has declared that his party will not join the Inter-Party Co-operation (IPC).
“We don’t support the idea of having one presidential candidate because it has never worked,” Bidandi said.
He said political coalitions have failed since 1962 when the Uganda People’s Conference (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka united to overthrow the Government but instead caused blood-shed.
The PPP boss also noted that after the 1980 elections, Dr. Andrew Lutaakome Kayiira and President Yoweri Museveni co-operated to overthrow Obote’s government but Kayiira was later killed. The truth of his death has never been established.
“Even then, political parties have not worked hard on a strong foundation of institutions that can support their political ambitions. This is an important factor for the opposition,” Bidandi said.
He was addressing journalists at the Uganda Journalists Association headquarters in Kampala yesterday.
The parties under the coalition are UPC, Forum for Democratic Change, Justice Forum and Conservative Party.
The Democratic Party will give its position by the end of May.
The IPC will elect a flag-bearer in June.
However, Bidandi added that PPP would support a candidate fronted by the opposition against the NRM at the constituency level.
Bidandi also threatened to boycott next year’s general elections if the Electoral Commission does not address issues raised by the opposition since the 2006 elections.
This will be the second time the PPP will not participate in the elections.
The party did not take part in the last parliamentary elections, saying it was not prepared.
However, it contested in the 2008 Kyaddondo North by-elections where PPP’s Ssentamu Ssewandagi lost to Robert NRM’s Kasule.
PPP will hold its national delegates’ conference before the end of June to elect the national executive committee.
When the IPC committee members recently met the Electoral Commission chairman, Eng. Badru Kiggundu, Bidandi admitted that the commission was correcting the irregularities in the voter registration exercise.
Parties discuss power sharing, 2011 manifesto - Source: http://observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4088:parties-discuss-power-sharing-2011-manifesto&catid=34:news&Itemid=59
Written by OUR REPORTERS
Thursday, 02 July 2009 06:48
Discussions on joint candidates and other areas of mutual interest to the co-operating political parties have been delayed by Bidandi Ssali and Michael Mabikke’s impending arrival
A special committee of the Inter Party Co-operation (IPC) will meet for three days in two weeks’ time to discuss how IPC members will write a single manifesto and field joint candidates for the 2011 general elections.
The committee will also discuss power sharing. FDC, JEEMA, UPC and CP recently wrote party position papers that will form the basis for the discussion. Each party will be represented by five people on the committee.
Augustine Ruzindana, Wafula Oguttu, Salaamu Musumba, Ronald Reagan Okumu and Obeid Kamulegeya will represent FDC; while Patrick Mwondha, Chris Opoka Okumu, Gorret Byaruhanga, Joel Aliro Omara and John Wagonda Muguli will be there for UPC.
The CP team comprises D. Walyemera, Edmond Nkalubo, John Orid, H. Tamale and H. Ssewanyanawhile; while JEEMA will be represented by Imam Kasozi, Ibrahim Nsamba, S. Chemisto, M. Kayiira and F. Kimbowa.
The committee will come up with harmonised guidelines to guide the process of choosing a joint presidential candidate as well as joint parliamentary and local council candidates. This work is already behind schedule as it was supposed to have been concluded by the end of June. In fact, the IPC had planned to sign a second protocol on June 26, announcing an agreement to write a joint manifesto and to field joint candidates.
Sources said that the delay was partly as a result of talks with the Peoples Progressive Party (PPP) chairman, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali and the Social Democrats Party (SDP) of Makindye East MP, Michael Mabikke—both parties having expressed interest to join the IPC. Mabikke confirmed in a telephone interview that his party, which was invited by the IPC, has filed a formal application to join.
“It is in the interest of the opposition that we all work together for the 2011 elections; we can revert to our individual organisations after. The biggest bottleneck to the development of multiparty democracy is Museveni and his NRM. He is using state resources, has fused his party with the state, all of which we need to reverse by working together,” Mabikke said.
Mabikke added that parties must work together to remove Museveni so as to restore full democracy.
On his part, Bidandi said the executive committee of PPP has discussed the possibility of joining the IPC, while the party will convene a National Council in a fortnight to discuss the extent to which their party can co-operate with others.
Oguttu, the spokesman of FDC, and one of the main promoters of the IPC, said in an interview that discussions with PPP and SDP would result in them contributing ideas to a joint electoral platform.
The IPC announced on May 14, while launching electoral reforms in the Parliamentary Gardens, that it would stage regional public rallies to popularise the planned reforms.
The four leaders of the co-operating parties; Dr. Kizza Besigye, Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja, John Ken Lukyamuzi and Miria Kalule Obote were supposed to hold joint public rallies to sell their proposed reforms to the people. But our sources say UPC refused to participate in this exercise.
Officially, UPC told the IPC that they want to first organise their grassroots elections. But some sources have pointed at internal party wrangles dogging the party.
A section of UPC leaders, including those recently sacked by the party president - Peter Walubiri, Livingstone Okello Okello, and Patrick Mwondha - support the IPC. But another group, which includes Jimmy Akena and Henry Mayiga—some of the candidates for the party presidency, are reluctant to join the co-operation. In fact, a recent UPC National Council voted against fielding joint candidates.
The FDC is proposing that the top five political offices in the country should be shared should the IPC win the 2011 elections. The party that brings a joint presidential candidate will certainly take the presidency.
Since the vice president automatically succeeds the president in case of death, the FDC wants the same party to take the vice presidency. The other parties should share the remaining three political offices; Prime Minister, Speaker and Deputy Speaker.
Cabinet posts should be shared according to strengths displayed during the general elections.
In its document, the CP proposes proportional sharing of positions, according to the outcome of the general elections.
The UPC on the other hand is proposing that, “the sharing of the Cabinet positions must be negotiated six months before going into elections. If one party takes the Presidency, then that party should take only 40% of the Cabinet positions while the other parties share the remaining 60% in proportion to their strength.”
UPC outlines eight structures which it wants included in the manifesto. These are; poverty, corruption and recovery of stolen properties, unity and equitable distribution of resources, employment- job creation, education, health, agriculture and reconstruction of northern Uganda.
CP focuses mainly on a clean environment, land, culture and a mixed economy. On its part, the FDC dwells on agriculture, environment, trade, industry, education, health, water, information, transport, communication, etc.
The FDC wants the IPC manifesto “to uphold the aspirations of the people of Uganda in respect of a federal system of governance as contained in the Justice Odoki and Prof. Sempebwa reports. Each federal state shall be empowered to levy certain taxes and to address development issues in its territory and re-organise districts.”
Look out for the details of FDC’s and other position papers in our Monday edition.
JB Ssali (Jaberi Bidandi)
Published at www.observer.ug
Wednesday, 07 January 2009
The nascent People’s Progressive Party (PPP) held its first delegates conference last year at which its founder, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, was named chairman. In a New Year letter addressed to Yoweri Museveni, the President’s former campaign manager and long-serving minister urges his former boss to “look at the ceiling with 1986 eyes.” Below is a slightly edited version of the letter.
On behalf of the membership and leadership of the People’s Progressive Party and on my own behalf, I extend to you our appreciation for what you have been able to do for the country in this year 2008, the third year of your 5th term in the office of President of Uganda.
A number of commendable achievements had been recorded, especially in the first three terms of your leadership save of course for the people of the north, especially the Acholi region, which experienced a glimpse of hope only for the first four months of your reign.
As we look yonder to 2009 Mr. President, we discern a course that may lead the country into storms and tempest which will be attributed to commissions and or omissions of your leadership. In the short run many of us see a troubled Uganda which is as chaotic as you found it 22 years ago and in fact much worse off in many respects.
Corruption and disintegration
Mr. President, many of us who have experienced the brunt of the various regimes since independence will give testimony to the fact that at no time in our history has corruption and nepotism reached the current despicable levels. The prevailing extreme poverty and suffering that have engulfed the people of Uganda are a direct consequence of these maladies over which you are presiding. What perplexes many Ugandans is the impunity with which Your Excellency seem to be condoning these vices.
Mr. President, one of these nights lie down on your bed, look at the ceiling with your 1986 eyes and look at a number of issues under your leadership today, including the Temangalo saga, the Shimoni or Nakasero land give-away, the rot in the roads construction contracts, the Kananathans of yesterday, the amendment to the Constitution in respect of term limits, the re-emergence of safe houses, the Kiboko squads, the source and cause of the Muslim wrangles which are now destined to once again produce two Muftis – one claimed to be appended to State House. The list is endless. What comes to your mind?
Your Excellency, one of the worst crimes committed under your leadership has been the tribalisation of the politics of Uganda, setting tribes and ethnic groups against each other and each being tethered to your whims for identity and salvation.
Give a few moments of thought about what is simmering between Bahororo and Bahima in Rukungiri and Kanungu, between Japadhola and Banyoli in Tororo, between the Bahima and the so-called Bairu in Ankole, between Maracha and Terego in West Nile, what your administration is fanning amongst the Baganda, Baluli and Banyala. All these ethnic groups had settled amicably together in harmony. Why do we now sow seeds of disharmony and most probably a violent future for our children? Why do we not learn lessons from our recent post-independence history?
We are in a multiparty dispensation. For the first time since independence, Buganda has become part of the mainstream national politics albeit after a great sacrifice evidenced by the hundreds of thousands of skulls found in the Luwero Triangle. The country had attained a stage where one could no longer hear of Mengo “alagidde” or the Cardinal, Archbishop or Mufti “agambye” in national elections. Why stir up animosity amongst the various ethnic groups comprising Buganda who have lived in harmony since the colonial times? How is it possible that Your Excellency could come out with a weird proposal of redrawing the boundaries between Buganda and Bunyoro? Why did we swine the late Idi Amin when he proposed the redrawing of the boundaries between Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania? What were the consequences?
New embers of cession are simmering in Busoga all because of your administration’s interference in the selection process of their Kyabazinga. Why should a military unit keep vigil on the premises where the election of Kyabazinga is purported to be held in spite of a court injunction? It is now held in Busoga that Your Excellency directed that the election of the Kyabazinga must be repeated! What has happened to the rule of law?
As you continue staring at the ceiling, recall the 1980 elections where you lost in Nyabushozi and I lost in Nakawa. What crimes did we apportion to the Muwanga government; constituency gerrymandering, falsification of results, harassing of voters and stuffing ballot boxes for the government sponsored candidates? You opted for arms and the bush. Now focus on the 2006 elections or even more recently the by-elections in Bukomansimbi, Kyadondo North and Sembabule. What accusations are being apportioned to your government? Intimidation, harassment and torture of voters by state agents, bribing of voters, using the Electoral Commission to rig for the NRM! Wear the shoes of the declared losers and compare them with the ones you put on in 1980. What do you fathom? Or do you?
Ever since the start of negotiations with Kony, the people of Uganda, especially the affected areas of the north, have had a positive lull which even encouraged the people in camps to start returning to their villages. Now out of the blue you attack Kony and there is a resurgence of reported killings and abductions. Once again the people of the north are gripped with fear and apprehension. Some are even contemplating returning to camps!
Over 20 years of military confrontation with Kony only created more and more camps, suffering and death of thousands of Ugandans, with over one million people displaced from their homes. After three years of negotiations we saw closure of some camps and rays of hope for the people in that area. Why the attack on the flimsy ground of Kony refusing to sign the Peace Agreement and not on ground of his having resurrected atrocities in the north?
His Excellency Joachim Chissano while briefing the UN Security Council, is reported to have placed the responsibility of Kony’s refusal to sign the agreement on the ICC’s continued wielding of its indictment over the head of Kony. Yet there have been no concerted effort on your part to factor in the ICC indictment of Kony as part of your effort to convince him to sign the agreement.
Let us imagine that Kony is finally netted and probably killed, what lessons do we draw from the killing of Saddam Hussein in Iraq by George W. Bush and Tony Blair to which you appended your thumb? Where is peace in that country since then and how many Iraqis have died and continue to die? Your Excellency, will it be far fetched to discern a replica in Uganda after killing Kony?
Your administration has been credited worldwide for the macro economic policies that have stabilised the Shilling against foreign currencies to date. However, any economic policies that do not translate into a betterment of the plight of the ordinary citizen only play in the international gallery.
Mr. President, the people of Uganda are reeling from extreme poverty and misery every passing day. This is in spite of Bonnabagaggawale which is not backed by political will. Some of us have little doubt that the scheme is bound to follow the Entandikwa scheme fate.
Mr. President, your globalised effort in persuading foreign investors to come to Uganda is no doubt commendable. However, the same effort should be extended to encouraging and boosting the local investors not only because they have held the fort in very trying times, but also because the majority have no option of relocation as some have done, but to collapse which has been the fate of many. Besides, a stringent sieve must be applied through which Kananathan or Shimoni kind of investors can be left in the chaff.
We definitely commend Your Excellency and your government for the discovery of oil. We have no doubt that it could make a big contribution to our effort to better the lives of the people of Uganda. However, judging by what has been the effect of oil discovery in some other countries; a lot of apprehension is felt by many Ugandans. This is not helped by the extreme secrecy surrounding the country’s oil.
We strongly urge you to stop considering oil discovery in Uganda as a personal achievement but as a national one. We urge you further to initiate debate and extensive consultations involving all Ugandans, civil society organisations and Parliament to finally come up with a national policy on oil.
This must also be the approach if the country has to come up with a national policy on land which will take into account interests of all stake holders, including land owners, bibanja holders on customary, mailo, lease or institutional land. Your Excellency, I again urge you to develop a stance of finding solutions through consultations and negotiations. What can be construed as dictatorial or commanding approach will only estrange you from your colleagues and partners and create more disharmony in our society.
As we enter 2009, all of us people of Uganda, especially we the leaders captained by Your Excellency, must rededicate our responsibilities and obligations to our people and our country placed on our shoulders by our Constitution. Let us listen with our inner ears to the message of the founders of Uganda enshrined in our national anthem which is now sang as a ritual and not a conviction.
I wish Your Excellency and your family a happy new year!
Bidandi is the hub, not spoke in NRM - Source: http://firstname.lastname@example.org/msg04024.html
By Darlington Sakwa
Posted June 8 - 13, 2003
From The MONITOR June 8, 2003
Mr Bidandi Ssali
Mr Bidandi is deliberately sweet-talking Ugandans in preparation for shifting goal posts, a job he has done very well in the past and continues to do today.
Several weeks before the famous Kyankwazi meeting, which culminated into two major decisions by the NRM National Executive Committee and later overwhelmingly endorsed by the national conference, Mr Bidandi Ssali was reported to have prepared a minority report recommending the opening of political space, paving the way to multi-party politics.
Reactions came from both the big and small wigs in the NRM party, the so-called opposition parties and the Reform Agenda. While the majority of the insiders were critical of Mr Bidandi's stand and even threatened disciplinary action against the veteran politician, the outsiders were full of praise for Bidandi, calling him a foresighted statesman who was concerned about the stability of our mother nation Uganda!
I wonder if either side knew what they were talking about. The ability of both insiders and the opposition to decipher the machinations of the likes of Bidandi is what puzzles me.
While answering a group of journalists about his stand on the return to multi-party politics, Bidandi posed this question: Some people are shouting they do not want a return to multi-party politics because they believe Museveni does not support the idea. What will you do, what will you say if he turns round and says he is for multi-party? Mujja kuswala! (You will be embarrassed)"
Came the Kyankwazi meeting and Bidandi's words came true. The minority report was adopted in preference to the majority view. Even the National Political Commissar has never commented or explained to the firebrand cadres who attacked Mr Bidandi over what happened.
To understand the value of Mr Bidandi Ssali to Museveni you need to revisit his historical manoeuvres in the recent political space of Uganda.
Bidandi during the bush war period
Unlike the rest of UPM members and those from DP etc who went into exile, after Museveni declared his bush war against the UPC government, Mr Bidandi remained in Uganda. And apart from serving a stint in Luzira prison, he 'hid himself' in football while mobilising for the future. He made himself so busy with soccer that it was difficult for the intelligence system to detect his connection with comrades in the bush.
The ushering in of NRA/NRM
Come NRA/NRM in 1986 and Mr Bidandi is at the forefront managing local government, introducing and ensuring decentralisation is adopted despite the views of the majority as recorded by the Odoki Commission.
Mr Bidandi was very vocal in the CA on many issues. On 30 June 1995 while opposing an amendment by Hon. Eryasu Elyau and Hon. Mwaka to delete the referendum from the then article 94, he had this to say, and I quote from page 5121 of the CA proceedings report.
"Madam Chairman, for goodness sake, Hon. Mwaka and some of the people having the same idea, why do we not get off this thing called greed for power, power, power! It is not true that members in this Hall are discussing power, as you are stating, that they want to keep themselves in power. I want to assure you, I am not one of those who want to keep myself in power, no way! My phobia, my ambition, my sitting here everyday is an attempt to contribute together with you and the rest of the people of Uganda, to a foundation for our country where the suffering so far we have gone through as a country, where the suffering which the people of Uganda have gone through or are going through, is really a foundation provided so that no such suffering happens again. That is why we are here, at least the majority of us, not because we want power...."
Then came the 2001 presidential elections. Without boring you with the obvious, the group that was not interested in power during the 1995 constitution making had ruled the country for 10 years up to 1996. And through a sham election, they had ruled for another five years. Mr Bidandi Ssali was at the helm of the campaign for the LAST TERM. "Banange omusajja tu muwe ekisanja kye ekisembayo."(Fellow citizens let's give the man his final term in office). You remember the radio adverts recorded in his own voice!
Olina kewekoledde? Olina abana?...(Have you made an investment? Do you have children?).
Indeed him and his group were not interested in power. They were still laying the foundation for banishing suffering from Uganda.
During the current term of presidency and parliament, there have been glaring cases of torture and death of political dissidents; including those mistaken for dissidents, at the hands of state organs. Many people have fled this country for fear of their lives just because they hold a different political opinion from those in power, including my friend Mr Bidandi. The Uganda Human Rights Commission continues to release scaring reports including photographs of torture victims. People die in detention and their bodies are only damped to relatives for burial if such relatives have some strong voice to fight for the dead body.
I have not heard Mr Bidandi Ssali condemn these sufferings - of the people of Uganda against which he argued so much in CA. I have not seen him demonstrate the vigour of preparing a foundation for a peaceful Uganda. Instead he has clearly demonstrated his determination to cling to power by proxy, at the cost of other peoples' peace and comfort.
After the 2001 elections, there were rumours that the veteran politician was, himself, interested in the presidency; and that that was the reason he did not offer himself to stand for parliament that year. His answer to the question was that he preferred being kingmaker to being king himself.
The important attribute of kingmakers is in their ability to convince others to make the king and appear to be least interested in the kingdom. This is a very clever and cunning way of keeping afloat. If the king rules well, the kingmaker basks in glory for having backed the right choice. On the other hand when the king becomes unbearable, the kingmaker says, "I am not the king." In other words, the kingmaker is always in bed with both sides of the political coin.
In the meantime the king rewards the kingmaker in undisclosed amounts as he/she plays the ordinary man who even hops around in matatus with the ordinary folk.
Before Kyankwazi, the kingmaker started making noise about discussing the issue of President Museveni's succession. To the insiders this was taboo; while to the outsiders it was once again good news from the veteran statesman. The news after the Kyankwazi meeting and the National Conference was even more exciting to many innocent Ugandans and political players. Mr Bidandi had opposed Mr Museveni on the issue of lifting the two term presidential limit. This would mean amending the constitution for the sake of ... (one person - my own words)
Then we are told that at the preparatory meeting of resurrecting the NRM/NRA, he became a mere spoke in the wheel that could fall off while the wheel continued to rotate. Then we read that in its last days of preparatory meetings and in particular in refining the constitution of the born again NRM, Mr Bidandi was the prime resource person. It is said he regularly passed chits to Lt. Gen.
Yoweri Museveni - who nodded and ensured that the kingmaker's advice was included in the constitution.
If Mr Bidandi was the peace foundation layer he claimed to be during CA debates, he would have advised the generals who launched the NRM party that they were breaking the Political Parties and Organizations Act. The Act bars members of security forces from active participation in political parties or organisations.
Did he? It was convenient for him to ignore this and ensure that the end justifies the means
But read Mr Bidandi's interview in the Sunday Vision of 25 May and his arguments on various FM radios after he was re-deployed - you will be home and dry.
He 'opposed' opening up presidential term limits, knowing very well that the ruling party was preparing for a change of political system. He now says without any shame that under a multiparty system, there will be amendments in the constitution to allow for a change in the electoral system.
And depending on whether we adopt a presidential or parliamentary system one (Museveni) can be president for as many times as his party wins elections - if he is chosen party leader.
What does this really mean? Bidandi is saying to Museveni: "Do not appear to be greedy for power by lifting the term limit while we are still under the Movement "system" and you are president. Our intentions will be obvious.
Our opponents will know you are doing it for your sake. Let us shelve that, change the system, shift goal posts by amending literally half the constitution and you will be president as long as our party wins elections, period!"
Isn't that smart! Is that the man to call treacherous and undisciplined? Is he a spoke? Once this manoeuvre works, the only game left is to ensure the party perpetually wins elections.
Deliberate misleading of the people
Hon. Bidandi Ssali's preaching gives the impression that the two articles in the 1995 constitution that govern the election of the president (103) and the term limit (105) were made to apply only where the Movement system prevails in the country. This is another deliberate manoeuvre to prepare people to adopt the wrong basis for these provisions.
First the reasons the CA limited the presidential term to two five-year stints was based on the very history Mr Bidandi argued for while opposing Hon. Mwaka on the referendum. The limit was deliberate to ensure that people elected to the office of the president, which office carries lots of power and immunity, do not get tempted to cause a situation where they become life presidents or at least president until removed by force of arms. Such acts by incumbents include eliminating potential future leaders, creating personal armies and looting national wealth.
Second to minimise the tendency to create dictators, again based on the country's history, we adopted a presidential/parliamentary system where the president and MPs are elected by universal adult suffrage. This was another way of ensuring that a party with a majority in parliament does not impose on Ugandans a leader with a bad record or with intentions of life presidency.
Indeed this is the reason some people and myself in the CA advocated for election of the president and MPs on the same day to ensure that these offices are decided on by Ugandans without one influencing the other. Off course the majority who included Mr Bidandi Ssali defeated our proposal.
We were even told that the cost of holding separate elections did not matter.
Democracy is expensive and we shall borrow all we can to ensure we build democracy in Uganda.
I do not recall during the debate the issue of universal adult suffrage for presidential elections being based on a political system - and I am yet to be shown evidence to that effect.
Mr Bidandi is deliberately sweet-talking Ugandans in preparation for shifting goal posts, a job he has done very well in the past and continues to do today.
The value of Bidandi to the NRM
When I read that Mr Bidandi had called President Museveni a manipulator, I laughed so loud - my friends asked what was the matter with me? Mr Bidandi moved to save (or has he?) the born again NRM from possible legal battles by telling the generals to withdraw from active participation, in the founding process of the party, and let him and Hajji Moses Kigongo to manage the process.
Remember he told the press that he received a call from the president that he was not going to be in the next cabinet. His task now is to ensure that he works with Mr Kigongo to register the NRM party. From my knowledge of his operations, his next step will be to manoeuvre the constitutional review process to ensure that we go for a British type of parliamentary system.
Remember that we shall go for the 2006 elections when the current NRM system is still in charge of state affairs, leave alone having a majority in parliament.
The so-called constitutional review process is under the command of the ruling party. The recommendations will be debated, modified and adopted or rejected by a parliament dominated by the ruling party.
For those young insiders who might be tempted to insult Mr Bidandi and those outsiders who are rejoicing at his apparent disagreement with Museveni, know ye that Mr Bidandi is not a spoke in the wheel, he is the hub onto which all spokes in the NRM wheel meet. The way things are he is the process of making king come 2006.
Those who read physics, you might want to remember that the angular momentum of a wheel is in the direction of the axle and not the radius (the spokes)
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Eng. Darlington Sakwa was CA delegate